Tuesday, December 29, 2020

The prep students of the Radical University: Samuel Garfunkle

Advertisement for Charleston business that Samuel ran with his brother Benjamin
From Sheldon's Retail Trade of the United States, 1888. 

Samuel Garfunkle (b. Abt. 1863; September 27, 1933), 

South Carolina.  White.
Occupation: book keeper, salesman.
Father's occupation: clothier, merchandise (dry goods).
Mother's occupation: hoopskirt manufacturer.

Samuel Garfunkle was born  around 1863 to Moses and Mary H. Garfunkle. His parents had immigrated to the U.S., Moses from Austria and Mary from Russia. The last names suggests that the family was Jewish.

Samuel was born in Kentucky, but the family was living in New York City until around 1873 when they moved to South Carolina. The family was living in Charleston by 1874. Both parents worked in the clothing industry (the city directory lists Mary as a hoop skirt manufacturer). The family had left Charleston for Columbia by 1876.

Samuel matriculated as a preparatory student at the University of South Carolina at some point between February, 1875 and January, 1876. The university closed before he completed the program.

In 1880, Samuel was still living with his family in Columbia. His father was working as a clothier. The family returned to Charleston later in the 1880s.

Around 1887, Samuel and his brother Benjamin started the dry goods business "Garfunkel Bros" in Charleston.  The father Moses worked as the manager and a third brother, Aaron, as manager. The business (Note that these men are listed under the family name "Garfunkel,"but this also certainly the same as the "Garfunkle" family appearing in Columbia city records. For example, both families have a father and three sons with the same names.)

In Charleston, the Garfunkle family was involved in the Jewish community. Moses served as president of the orthodox synagogue Berith Shalom Orthodox synagogue (now Brith Sholom Beth Israel), and Samuel as the secretary. 

Around 1900, Samuel left the South and moved to New York City. He was joined by most of his family, including his father Moses and brother Benjamin. In New York, Samuel worked as a salesman and bookkeeper. He remained in the city until his death in 1933. 

Sources Cited

1) 1880; Census Place: Columbia, Richland, South Carolina; Roll: 1238; Page: 269B; Enumeration District: 163

2) 1900; Census Place: Charleston Ward 5, Charleston, South Carolina; Page: 15; Enumeration District: 0087; FHL microfilm: 1241520

3) 1910; Census Place: Manhattan Ward 12, New York, New York; Roll: T624_1020; Page: 19B; Enumeration District: 0492; FHL microfilm: 1375033

4) 1920; Census Place: Manhattan Assembly District 17, New York, New York; Roll: T625_1217; Page: 10B; Enumeration District: 1215

2) Charleston City Directory: 1875, 1890, 1892, 1893, 1898, 1912. 

3) Columbia City Directory: 1879.

5) New York State Archives; Albany, New York; State Population Census Schedules, 1915; Election District: 19; Assembly District: 31; City: New York; County: New York; Page: 11

6) New York State Archives; Albany, New York; State Population Census Schedules, 1905; Election District: A.D. 31 E.D. 15; City: Manhattan; County: New York; Page: 45

7) Index to New York City Deaths 1862-1948. Indices. Certificate Number:19097.


What's in an FBI record?

Page from Wiggins' FBI file


Let's take a look at what an FBI record actually looks like. The image above is part of Forrest O. Wiggins' FBI file. What is in the document?

The upper-left corner tells us that this page is a FD-263 form. A FD-263 is a cover page for a full report. The top of the form tells us that this is a report produced by the Savannah office on information it generated. The information concerns Forrest O. Wiggins and is about a "Security Matter - C." In other words, it is about a security matter concerning communists.


The report was made on August 14, 1957, and it covers the following dates: March 14; April 10, 16, 17, 19, 24, 26; May 8, 15, 23; June 12, 13, 16, 17, 19, 27; July 2, 3, 10, 26; August 5.

We can match these dates with dates from other sources to get some idea of what was attracting the FBI's interest. For example, the first date is March 14. Looking at earlier FBI records, we see that this was the day that the FBI received copies of an Allen University Bulletin containing an essay by Wiggins in which he promoted "Communist information." 

The June dates, especially the 16th and 17th, can also be explained. On the 15th, the President of Allen University asked Wiggins to resign his position. The June dates presumably reflect reports to the FBI on the back-and-forth between Wiggins and the president on resigning.

Another significant date is August 5. The next day was an Executive Board Meeting where the Allen trustees discussed dismissing Wiggins. Presumably, the FBI solicited information about what would happen at the meeting.

The dates that don't appear in other records are also interesting. For example, why are there so many April dates? I don't know, but this is something to look out for when reading other parts of the record.

The upper-right corner contains a crossed out stamp that reads "confidential." This means that the document was originally classified as confidential, but the document as currently released contains no confidential information.
The PDF that I have does not contain all the original text. Three parts of the text are redacted. The federal government is allowed to redact text under some specific exceptions. The exceptions being used are cited next to the text. Sometimes the nature of the exception shreds light as to what the missing information is.

First redacted text

The first redacted text is in a box labeled "Report made by." Presumably this is the name of the FBI agent who wrote the report. His name is being withheld under exception b7c. This exceptions allows withholding of an investigatory record that was compiled for law enforcement purposes when disclosing it would constitute an unwarranted invasion of someone's personal privacy. The standard for what  constitutes an unwarranted invasion of privacy is low since courts have ruled that just having your name in a legal report could damaging. Presumably, standard practice is to redact FBI agents names under this exception. The next exception is more interesting.

Second redacted text

This second text is also withheld under b7c. However, the nature of this text is less clear than the first. It appears that this is a sentence describing what Wiggins ("Subject") was doing.  Furthermore, the reasons for withholding this aren't pro forma: the whole paragraph is describing Wiggins' activities but nothing else is redacted. I have no idea what is discussed here, but it certainly is intriguing.


Third redacted text

The third redacted text appears to be the name, or another identifier, of a confidential informant for the FBI. This text is withheld under exceptions b2 and b7d. These are presumably the standard exceptions that are cited when withholding an informant's identity. Exception b2 allows withholding of records "related solely to the internal personnel rules and practices of an agency," while Exception b7d allows withholding of "information compiled for law enforcement purposes [which] could reasonably be expected to disclose the identity of a confidential source." 


Lower-left corner

From the lower-left corner of the document, we learn who got copies of the form. The form was produced by the Savannah office, and they made 3 copies which went into file 100-4211. The main office in DC received 4 copies by registered mail ("RM") that were stored in file 64-25362.

The history of this record is documented by stamps at the bottom.
Stamps on the bottom of the page

Two stamps are "Confidential" and "Subv. Control." Both have been crossed out. We've already discussed the "Confidential" stamp. I'm guessing the second stamp indicated that this file had to do with the surveillance of "subversives" (in this case, somebody who promotes "communist" ideas).

Slightly more significant is the stamp that reads "Copies Destroyed Nov 16 1961." I'm guessing that copies were destroyed as a matter of routine housecleaning. By 1961, there wasn't much interest in the records (Wiggins had left South Carolina) and keeping 7 copies of these records would have taken up a lot of space (this was pre-computers!).

Another stamp seems to read "63 Aug 26 1957 classified by." I don't know what the "63" stands for, but the August date falls a little over a week after the form was filled out. I'm guessing this indicates when the report was filled away.

There are a few notations on the document that I don't know how to interpret. For example, there is a handwritten remark directly above the (redacted) name an informant. The remark was written on August 27, 1957 which is the day after the form was classified. However, I can't make out what the rest of the text says. Let me know if you have any idea!
Handwritten remark.
Let me know if you can read it.



Sunday, December 27, 2020

What was Forrest O. Wiggins up to?

Forrest O. Wiggins
University of Minnesota Yearbook, 1949


This blogpost is preceded by

Forrest O. Wiggins was one of the Allen University faculty members who was dismissed in the 1950s at the insistence of South Carolina Governor Timmerman. In his public statements, Governor Timmerman made vague claims that Professor Wiggins and the other faculty members were pursuing "typical [Communist Party]" projects.  The projects, he claimed, involved teaching "hate white, hate Southern, and hate State." As evidence, he gestured to records held by the federal government.

I received Wiggins' FBI files under the Freedom of Information Act.  (Thanks, New Left!) Large parts of the file are redacted, but they give an insight into what was happening.

The early life of Wiggins

Wiggins was born in 1907 in Vincennes, Indiana to Charles and Cora Wiggins. The early 1900s saw large numbers of Blacks in the South move to Indiana, especially to its urban centers. The Wiggins family was unusual. Unlike most Blacks in the state, they had deep roots: both of Wiggins' parents and most of his grandparents were born in Indiana.

By the time Wiggins was born, his parents had established a solid middle-class household for themselves. The father worked as a barber, and he had achieved enough professional success that he owned his own barber shop. However, the marriage was evidently an unhappy one, and the parents separated while Wiggins was a child. After the divorce, Wiggins had essentially no relationship with his father. By 1920, he was living with his mother and her second husband, Andrew Haynes, in Indianapolis.

The move from Vincennes to Indianapolis was a major one. Vincennes was a small city of 17,160. Its Black population was minuscule: only 136 Blacks lived there (about 1.6% of the population). In contrast, Indianapolis was the state capitol and by far the most-populous city with 314,194 residents. Largely because of the availability of manufacturing jobs, the city's Black population was growing rapidly. By 1920, Blacks represented 11% of the city population (about 43,679 residents), making the city a regional center for Black life. 

In Indianapolis, Wiggins' stepfather Andrew worked for a railroad company. His mother also entered the workforce, first as a saleslady and later as a beauty operator. Wiggins attended Arsenal Technical High School. At the time, the student body was overwhelmingly White. Wiggins was one of only three Blacks in his graduating class of 380. 

Neither Wiggins' parents nor his stepfather had completed high school, but Wiggins appears to have done well as a student. For example, the school yearbook notes his abilities as a public speaker. Wiggins graduated from Arsenal Tech in 1924.

Portion of Wiggins' high school yearbook (Wiggins is center-top).
The Arsenal Cannon yearbook, Vol XXIII, No. 17. 
Via Ancestory.com

After graduating from high school, Wiggins attended Butler University, a small private school in Indianapolis. Politically, the university was relatively progressive. Blacks had attended the school since the 1880s, albeit in small numbers. The year Wiggins matriculated; Blacks made up about 4% of the 1,290-person student body. However, during this time, racial tensions were increasing city-wide. In the summer of 1927, the university's Board of Directors adopted a policy of limiting the number of Black students admitted to ten per year. The next year – Wiggins' senior year – the number of Black students admitted dropped by three-quarters. 

Despite an increasingly unfriendly campus climate, Wiggins graduated from Butler with his A.B. degree in 1928. He then studied in France for a year and a half. After returning to the US, he taught Moorehouse College.  While teaching, he continued his education at the University of Wisconsin. In 1931, he was awarded an A.M. degree in philosophy from the university. For his degree, he submitted the thesis "The utilitarian theory of property from Plato to J. S. Mill."

After receiving he received his Master's, Wiggins was hired as an associate professor by Johnson C. Smith University in Charlotte, NC.  Wiggins continued his studies at Wisconsin during this time. In 1938, he received his PhD in philosophy from the university. His dissertation was titled "The moral consequences of individualism."

It is unclear what Wiggins did the year after he got his PhD. FBI records state that he taught at Howard University from 1939 to 1941, but Howard University records only document that he taught there during the 1940-41 academic year. That year he was employed as an Instructor in the Humanities and Romance Languages. While in D.C., he married Ethel Doris Johnson. 

Ethel had been born in North Carolina, but she grew up in Columbia, South Carolina. Her parents were middle-class. Her father worked as a public-school principal, her mother as a teacher. Ethel herself was college educated, having been a standout student at Johnson C. Smith University in Charlotte. Likely she met Wiggins while while he was teaching at Johnson C. Smith and she was a student. After graduating, she returned to living with her parents and worked as a teacher. However, in late 1940 or early 1941, she had married Wiggins and moved to D.C.

Later that year Wiggins and his wife moved to Durham, NC to teach at North Carolina College for Negroes (now North Carolina Central University). In 1943, while teaching in Durham, he was hired by the Department of Education to teach English in Haiti. It was in Haiti that Wiggins first drew the attention of the FBI.

Wiggins enters the FBI files

Wiggins traveled to Haiti to teach English around February 1943. He taught at a combined high school and junior college in Cap-Haïtien. Originally, he had planned to stay there until the summer. However, on August 14, 1943, he applied to extend his stay by six months.  The application appears to have triggered the FBI's interest. Five days later, on the 19th, the FBI Main Office wrote a memo about him.  The memo stated that a "reliable, confidential source" reported that Wiggins was acting as "an active anti-White and anti-British propagandist" in Haiti. On the basis of this information, the office recommended that an investigation be conducted. 

Ultimately, Wiggins did not extend his stay in Haiti. He flew back later that August. When he disembarked at the airport, he was met by an FBI Special Agent who was waiting to interview him. The interview didn't produce much. In addition to collecting basic biographical information, the agent asked about the allegations that he was engaged in propaganda activities. Wiggins acknowledged that he had written a number of newspaper articles, but he denied that any of them were anti-English or anti-White. He said that the only article that he was criticized for was a 1942 Durham Herald article. In the article, he expressed his belief that Blacks should be allowed to work in the defense industry and receive the same salary as Whites. The FBI agent does not appear to have regarded the matter worth pursuing. The report he submitted concluded: "No further inquiry in this matter is contemplated."

After his return to the U.S., Wiggins continued teaching at HBCUs. He first continued teaching at North Carolina College for Negroes. However, at some point between 1943 and 1946, he moved to Louisville, KY to teach at Louisville Municipal College.

The year 1946 marked a major professional change for Wiggins. That year he moved to Minneapolis, MN to teach at the University of Minnesota. 

Wiggins in Minnesota

In September 1946, Wiggins was appointed as a full-time instructor in the University of Minnesota's Philosophy Department.  This employment was an honor.  Wiggins was one of the first African Americans to be employed at a flagship state university. Ethel found work as a social worker.

In Minnesota, Wiggins was active in left-wing politics on campus and in Minneapolis more generally. He openly spoke out against American capitalism and militarism and promoted civil rights for African Americans. 

Starting around April 1948, political and business leaders began writing to the university administration to complain about Wiggins.  For example, a bank vice president wrote the university president to complain about a newspaper article he read about Wiggins' teaching.  According to the article, Wiggins had organized a classroom activity where students drafted blueprints for an ideal America. The vice president felt this exercise involved promoting inappropriate ideas that were critical of the U.S. government. The complaints increased over the next few years. For example, in 1950, state congressman Howard Ottinger wrote to the university president to complain about a public speech he heard Wiggins deliver.

The FBI began receiving new information about Wiggins in 1949, as complaints to the university administration were increasing.  That year the regional FBI office received a report from an informant that there was reason to believe that Wiggins was a member of the Communist Party (presumably the Communist Party of United States American or CPUSA). Later, informants said that Wiggins was a member of the Socialist Workers Party. The FBI investigated the claims, but the only supporting evidence they could collect was circumstantial. (For example, Wiggins had made public statements consistent with the "Communist Party Line," and his name was on a list found in a Minneapolis Communist Party bookstore.) A 1952 summary report on Wiggins' activities in Minneapolis reported that he had contacts with leaders in the Community Party USA and the Socialist Workers Party and gave speeches "which followed the CP line," but notably did not assert that he was a member of any revolutionary organization. 

The University of Minnesota president initially defended the university's employment of Wiggins. He responded to Wiggins' critics by distancing himself from Wiggins' political views but standing by the university's decision to employ him.

In late 1951, the president reversed his position. That December he sent Wiggins a letter informing him that his contract would not be renewed. Although his department chair had recommended him for a promotion to an assistant professorship, Wiggins was still an instructor at the time and thus he was on a contract that required yearly renewal.

The letter informing Wiggins that his contract would not be renewed gave no justification for the decision. However, when the decision was made public, it caused an uproar among students and faculty. Under public pressure, the president claimed that his decision had been made on the basis of the dean's negative evaluation of Wiggins' scholarly record. However, the chair of the philosophy department challenged this statement by issuing a signed letter stating that the department unanimously disagreed with the president and recommended Wiggins' reappointment. 

The letter issued by the Wiggins' chair was part of an outpouring of public support. Student support was particularly strong. Student groups submitted petitions protesting the president's decision. By February 1952, over 500 students had joined protests against the administration. They were supported by other organizations including the state branch of the NAACP, the Negro Labor Council, and the Progressive Party of Minnesota.

One organization was notable in its failure to support Wiggins. The local chapter of the AAUP announced that the evidence it reviewed did not establish a violation of academic freedom and thus they did not recommend further action. The chapter explained its decision in a 22-page report written by a 3-person committee. The report reads as a whitewash. Although state politicians had written letters to the president complaining about Wiggins, the report does not mention them and instead states that the committee found no evidence that the decision been made for political reasons. The committee members acknowledged that the university president might have acted, in part, out of a concern over negative publicity. However, they downplayed the significance if this, writing that "It would be difficult, if not impossible, for a conscientious administrator to isolate" Wiggins' research from his political statements when assessing someone's scholarship.

The AAUP committee reported that it found the decision not to reappoint Wiggins had been made on the basis of his scholarly record and that the assessment of his record was done properly. This is a remarkable statement. Wiggins had the unanimous support of the philosophy faculty, and the negative evaluation was based on the dean's personal evaluation. The dean appears to have been unfit to analyze the work of philosophy professor as he had no training in the field. He worked exclusively in Library Science (his dissertation was "Conditions affecting use of the college library"). In their report, the committee addressed this issue by simply dismissing it: "even unanimous opinion of any so-called department does not necessarily represent the opinion of the best informed colleagues." 

The support for Wiggins was successful in getting the issue into the spotlight. His non-reappointment made national news and was reported by the New York Times, for example. However, it unsuccessful in reversing the administration's decision. Wiggins left Minnesota in June 1952.

Wiggins moved to Columbia, SC to work at Allen University as a Professor of Philosophy and Romance Languages. 

A student asks the UM Regents to reappoint Wiggins
The Gopher, Volume 65, 1952


Wiggins in South Carolina

Once Wiggins had moved to South Carolina, the responsibility for monitoring him passed from the Minnesota FBI office to the Savannah, GA office. In October 1953, the Minnesota office provided the Savannah office with a summary report on Wiggins.

The Savannah office of the FBI collected information on Wiggins, but they found little of interest. A confidential informant reported that he had no information about Wiggins engaging in subversive activities. The only information offered was that Wiggins made a comparison between democracy in the U.S. and in Russia in a class. 

In May 1953, after his first year at Allen, Wiggins took a yearlong leave of absence to study in Mexico. He traveled to Chahhuila, Guanajuato, Morelia, and Mexico City. During this period, Wiggins marriage was under severe strain. Ethel did not join him, and in February 1954, while Wiggins was still in Mexico, she divorced him for desertion.

Wiggins' international travel increased the FBI's interest in him. However, the FBI's efforts were largely limited to documenting where in Mexico Wiggins traveled to and reporting that they had no evidence that he was participating in subversive activities. 

Wiggins appears to have enjoyed the trip. After he returned to South Carolina, he published an article in the Indianapolis Recorder about his experience. He celebrated Mexico as a county where Blacks can travel without experiencing pervasive racial discrimination. He contrasted this with the United State, where a Black man traveling on vacation has to constantly worry about being refused service at restaurants and hotels. White Americans, Wiggins wrote, also benefit from the climate in Mexico as they soon shed their racial prejudices 

Wiggins returned to Allen University to teach in Fall 1954. In September, the Minneapolis office of the FBI issued an important memorandum. The memorandum announced that an informant who had been submitting information on Wiggins was deemed "unreliable." Attached to the memorandum were amended copies of a report that had been sent to the Savannah office. Furthermore, they advised that the information given by the informant should be regarded as questionable and not disseminated unless corroborated by other sources. It is unclear if the existing records reflect the information from the unreliable informant.

That Spring the Savannah office of the FBI made a major effort to collect information on Wiggins. In January, the office applied for a 30 day mail cover surveillance. (A mail cover surveillance involves the Post Office recording information on the outside (or cover) of letters and sending it to the FBI). However, the application was denied. Shortly after the mail cover request was denied, the Savannah office produced a report on the information offered by an informant in Columbia, but the informant simply reported that he was unaware of Wiggins being involved in any Communist Party activities.  The office also received a report from the Charlotte office reporting on Wiggins' activities in the 1940s.  The final action the office took was a request for permission to interview Wiggins, but this too was denied.  

Half a year of efforts in collecting information on Wiggins yielded nothing of substance. This seems to have convinced the FBI that Wiggins was not worth monitoring. In May, Wiggins was removed from the FBI's security index (used to track individuals deemed dangerous to national security) at the recommendation of the Savannah office. For next 2 years, there were no interactions between the FBI and Wiggins.

Wiggins' apartment near Allen University in 2020
Photo courtesy of author

The State Government Attacks

Wiggins next appears in FBI records in March 1957.  That month the Savannah office of the FBI received a letter regarding Wiggins. The letter is unavailable, but it was a request for information about Wiggins and Horace Davis (a professor at neighboring Benedict College). 

The request was taken seriously. The Savannah office was instructed to respond to the letter by telephone and communicate information with the caveat that it was to be made clear that the information was furnished in the strictest confidence and that it cannot be attributed to the FBI.

The request was almost certainly made by South Carolina Senator Olin D. Johnston or a representative of his office. Internal communications show that the FBI quickly connected the request to a nomination hearing that Johnston had participated in. Johnston served on the Senate Judiciary Committee, and Davis had written to the committee to protest against a nomination to the Supreme Court. Davis had written the letter because the nominee had ruled unfavorably in a lawsuit he had filed. Davis had sued to challenge his dismissal from Kansas City University for refusing to answer questions about whether he'd been a communist. 

The committee not only disregarded Davis's protest, but Johnston grew concerned that universities in his state might be employing communists. The day of the hearing Johnston told news reporters that he thought this should not be allowed and that he was going to investigate the matter.

It is unclear why information about Wiggins was requested. He was completely uninvolved in the nomination hearing and had only tenuous ties to communism. Wiggins may have simply been the only other professor Johnston had heard about. Wiggins dismissal from the University of Minnesota had made national news.

Johnston himself appears to have had little interest in Wiggins. Johnston publicly spoke out against Horace Davis's employment at Benedict College. However, he seems to have largely lost interest in the matter after Horace resigned in late March. While the controversy about alleged communist infiltration of Benedict and Allen would continue to be debated for over a year, Johnston would play no role in that debate.

As the public spotlight focused on Wiggins again, the FBI renewed its surveillance of him. In addition to collecting information from confidential informants, the Savannah office reapplied for mail cover surveillance on Wiggins. This time the application was approved. Larges parts of the FBI's reports are redacted, so it is unclear exactly what information was collected. For example, an August 14, 1957 report contains information by a source at Allen University who apparently witnessed something involving Wiggins while working late at night. However, it is impossible to figure out what was reported since most of the text is redacted. The redactions were made under Exemptions 7(c) and 7(d). This indicates that the text was collected for law enforcement purposes and is withheld to protect people's privacy and the identities of confidential sources.

An August 14, 1957 FBI report on Wiggins. Much of the text is redacted
Photo courtesy of the author

The FBI closely followed the goings-on at Allen and Benedict, but they did not seem to find much relevant information. The most incriminating information collected about Wiggins was that he promoted communist ideas in an essay he published in the Spring 1985 Benedict College Bulletin, and he subscribed to American Socialist. The American Socialist was a publication of the Socialist Union of American (a group that splintered off from the Socialist Workers Party). In February 1958, an FBI agent recommended that the investigation of Wiggins be closed. 

While the FBI did not find Wiggins to be a subject of interest, both the press and the state government remained closely engaged with the issues surrounding his employment at Allen. Ultimately, the state government was successful in pressing the university to remove Wiggins. The 1957-58 academic year was his last in Columbia. In October 1958, the FBI reported that Wiggins had moved to Dallas, TX and was working at Bishop College.

Photo of Forrest O. Wiggins in FBI file


Life after Allen
Wiggins only stayed in Texas for a year. After the 1958-59 academic year, he left to teach at Edward Water College in Jacksonville, FL. He moved a second time in summer of 1961. In June 1961, he was appointed Professor of Languages and Literature at Savannah State College (in Georgia). He stayed at Savannah State for most of the 1960s. In January 1968, he moved to West Virginia State University. There he rejoined his friend and former Allen University colleague Edwin D. Hoffman. He remained at West Virginia State for the rest of his career. 

The FBI continued monitoring Wiggins for most of the 1960s. However, their actions were largely limited to transferring files between field offices and performing a routine review (e.g. checking Wiggins' credit rating and arrest record). The last extent FBI report on Wiggins was issued in February 1968, shortly after he moved to West Virginia.

Wiggins remained at West Virginia State until he retired. He then moved to Brevard County, Florida. He lived there until his death on October 26, 1981.


Forrest O. Wiggins, ca. 1968
The Arch Yearbook, 1968

Saturday, December 26, 2020

The prep students of the Radical University: Irving P. Fox

From the December, 1920 issue, Vol. 27, No. 3.

Irving Pierson Fox (b. August 23, 1860; d. July 20, 1927)
New York. White.
Occupation: Publisher.
Father's occupation: clergyman, farmer, teacher.

Irving P. Fox was born in Ashland, New York (in the Catskill mountains) to Clarinda S. and Henry J. Fox.  Henry and Clarinda were originally from England. The father embraced Methodism and left England in 1844.  He planned to work as a pastor in Canada. However, during a stay in New York City, he was convinced by Methodist ministers to stay and work there as a pastor.

The year Irving was born (in 1860), his father was president of the Ashland Collegiate Institute (a school in Ashland, New York which was open from 1858 to 1861).  However, the next year a fire destroyed the school's building and the institute closed. The family then moved around New York state, following Henry in his work as a Methodist minister.

The family left New York for South Carolina in 1869.  The family moved to Oro, SC in Chesterfield County. The family tried to start a farm, and Henry continued his work as minister. Around this time, the family is said to have been "exposed to great danger" and "experienced no small amount of suffering and pecuniary loss by the persecutions of the Ku-Klux-Klan."

In 1872, the father Henry was appointed to a church in Charleston. The family moved again in 1873. This time they moved to Columbia as Henry had been appointed as Professor of Rhetoric, Criticism, Elocution, English Language and Literature at the University of South Carolina.

Irving matriculated into USC's preparatory school at some point between February 1875 and January 1876.  The university closed before he completed his degree.

After the 1877 closure of the university, most of the Fox family left South Carolina for the greater Boston area. Irving completed his college preparatory education at Hyde Park High School, graduating in 1879. He then enrolled at Boston University. At BU, he served as editor of The Beacon and was President of the Philomathean Society (a literary society). He graduated with a B.A. degree in 1883 and was class president. He would remain involved with Boston University throughout his life.  He was active in the alumni association and the fraternity Theta Delta Chi.  For example, he served as president of the alumni association from 1889-90.

After completing his education, Irving worked in the newspaper industry.  He started working for the  Boston Courier after graduation. He remained working for the Courier until 1892. During the last four years, he was managing editor. After leaving the Courier, he worked as editor of the Manufacturers' Gazette for a year. He left after the paper changed ownership.

In September 1894, shortly after leaving the Manufacturers' Gazette, Irving began working as a publisher. He served as president and treasurer of the Spatula Publishing Company. The company's main publication was the magazine The Spatula. The Spatula was a publication for druggists. In modern usage, the term "spatula" usually refers to a kitchen utensil, but the magazine title referred the utensil's use by a druggist when mixing pharmaceuticals.

The Spatula was published from 1894 to 1925. The first issue described the magazine's purpose as follows: "The publication in no way intended to rival the other excellent periodicals devoted to druggists. . . . . that are already in the field. They furnish the roast; it is the purpose of the SPATULA to provide the side dishes, the vegetables and dessert. For a prefect meal and good digestion, all are necessary."

The magazine focused on the business side of being a druggist and was more irreverent than publications like the National Druggist. For example, the first issue asked druggists to submit photographs of their shops. Special interest was expressed in receiving a photograph from "the man who believes he has the most disreputable looking shop."

In February 1902, The Spatula provoked local controversy.  The Boston Globe published a front page reading notice that stated The Spatula published formulas for patent medicines and cough cures that contained poisonous drugs and were dangerous.  A particular cause for concern was a formula for cough sirup. The article alleged that the formula recommended using an amount of morphine sufficient to kill 7 men.

Irving responded with a Letter to the Editor in which he protested and said that The Spatula had been misrepresented. For example, while the published cough sirup formula did involve a large amount of morphine, the formula was for a few bottles of sirup, not one dose for personal consumption.

Irving's interest in the druggist's trade may have had its origins in family connections. His brother Clarence ran a business that sold things like glassware to druggists.  Clarence's business regularly advertised in The Spatula

Irving's former USC classmate Charles R. Parmele also ran a wholesale business that sold to druggists.  The two were in contact later in life, but it unclear what sort of relationship they enjoyed. The only recorded interaction occurred in the first issues of the Spatula. The first issue contained an announcement that Charles had changed the name of his company.  However, it incorrectly reported that the name had been changed from the "E. M. Johnson Company" to the "C. R. Parmelee Company."  The next issue printed a letter from Charles in which he pointed out that the new name was actually the "Charles Roome Parmele Company." In what was hopefully a comical exaggeration, Charles further asked the editor to "Please go out and purchase a box of [the rat poison] 'Rough on Rats,' keep it on hand and administer it to your compositor in case he repeats the error."

In addition to publishing The Spatula, Irving's company also published books.  One of its first publications was the book The Law of the Apothecary by George Howard Fall.  The book is a compendium of laws regulating the druggist's profession, especially laws in the Northeast. The book was aimed at a druggist untrained in law.  Several book reviewers expressed concern about the wisdom of publishing the book as they thought it might encourage laymen to make decisions on legal matters.  For example, one review quoted Oliver Wendell Holmes' proverb, "the man who is his own lawyer has a fool for a client."

In 1898, four years after publishing George Fall's book, Irving published the novel The Tragedy of a Widow's Third by George Fall's wife Anna Christy Fall.  The novel followed a woman's tragic decline after she is left a widow.  Anna Fall was one of the first female lawyers in Massachusetts and the first to argue before the state Supreme Court. She drew upon her legal training when writing the novel.  The novel's title refers to a law that limited a widow to receiving at most one-third of her husband's assets except in certain circumstances.

Irving probably knew George and Anna Fall through his connections with BU.  Irving, George, and Anna all attended BU at roughly the same time, and both Irving and Anna graduated in the class of 1883.  George taught at the university for most of his career. 

Other Spatula publications advertised in an early magazine issue are a five volume set of the works of Nathaniel Hawthorne, a book of druggist's formulas (Remington's Practice of Pharmacy), and a self-help book (Pushing to the Front by Orison Swett Marden). The company also sold printing related devices that a druggist might want. For example, they sold a "numbering machine" for printing numbers and a pharmacist's' band dater, a device for stamping dates on documents. 

Irving also published the Church Militant, the official organ of the Massachusetts diocese of the Protestant Episcopal church. 

Irving himself wrote a book that was published in 1907. That year Irving and his coauthor Bertha Alexander Forbes published One Thousand Ways and Scheme to Attract Trade. The book is exactly what the title says: a collection of a thousand recommendations on improving a store's trade.  For example, recommendation 690 suggests that a merchant keep track a list of families that have moved to the area and sending them an announcement welcoming them to the city and offering them services. 

When Irving completed his education, he was living in Saugus, MA.  However, around 1890 he moved to Lexington (another town in the greater Boston area).  His move caused him legal trouble. The year he moved he was arrested by U.S. marshals for voting illegally.  He had voted in Boston during the state election after having moved to the town of Lexington. Irving was one of a number of individuals arrested on this charge. The Boston Globe reported that "It was generally agreed that . . . the parties all voted in the belief that they had a right to do so," but many of those arrested were fined $100, a large sum at the time (roughly $2,800 in 2020). Irving was indicted, but it is unclear what the ultimate outcome was. 

Irving lived in Lexington for most of this life. He was involved in a many civic organizations.  He served as president of the Lexington Historical Society, served as clerk and treasurer for the Lexington Episcopal parish for part of the 1890s and was involved with the Episcopalian Club of Massachusetts.

Irving was also active in promoting Republican politics. He served several times as a delegate to the Republican State Convention

In 1927, Irving's life came to an abrupt end.  On July 20, he died suddenly in his publishing office.

Sources Cited
1) 1870; Census Place: Old Store, Chesterfield, South Carolina; Roll: M593_1491; Page: 366A; Family History Library Film: 552990

2) 1870; Census Place: Old Store, Chesterfield, South Carolina; Roll: M593_1491; Page: 359A; Family History Library Film: 552990

3) 1880; Census Place: Saugus, Essex, Massachusetts; Roll: 527; Page: 274C; Enumeration District: 146

4) 1910; Census Place: Lexington, Middlesex, Massachusetts; Roll: T624_598; Page: 19B; Enumeration District: 0829; FHL microfilm: 1374611

5) 1920; Census Place: Boston Ward 8, Suffolk, Massachusetts; Roll: T625_742; Page: 7B; Enumeration District: 232

6) "Two sudden deaths."  The Brattleboro Reformer, July 20, 1927. p. 8.

7) "Locals." Boston Globe, August 15, 1886. p. 4.

8) "College of Liberal Arts." Boston Globe, June 1, 1887. p. 2.

9) "Charged with illegal voting." Boston Globe, December 6, 1890. p. 4.

10) "$100 for a vote." Boston Globe, December 17, 1890. p. 4.

11) "Boston University Notes." Boston Globe, May 26, 1891. p. 8.

12) "Books in Cloth Received." Boston Globe, November 1, 1894. p. 8.

13) "Theta Delta Chi Banquet." Boston Globe, April 12, 1895. p. 2.

14) "Lexington." Boston Globe, April 22, 1895. p. 2.

15) "Lexington Delegates Favor Reed." Boston Globe, March 22, 1896. p. 6.

16) The Fitchburg Sentinel. March 18, 1898. p. 6.

17) "The Tragedy of a Widow's Third." The Fitchburg Sentinel. September 10, 1898. p. 6.

18) Fall River Daily Evening News. September 12, 1898. p. 4.

19) "Meade Overwhelmed." Boston Globe, September 25, 1900. p. 9.

20) "Exceptions taken." Fall River Globe, February 20, 1902. p. 6.

21) "Fourth District." Boston Globe, April 1, 1908. p. 4. 

22) "That Cough Sirup." Boston Globe, February 14. 1902. p. 7.

23) R. W. H. "The law of the Apothecary" (review). Harvard Law Review.  University Press, John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, MA. (1894). p. 240.

24) "Other Books Received: The Law of the Apothecary." American Law Review. Volume XXIX. Review Publishing Co., St. Louis. (1895)

25) "Wants Blood" The Spatula. November, 1894. Vol. 1,. No. 2. The Spatula Publishing Co, Boston. p. 52.

26) "Manufacturers and Wholesalers" The Spatula. October, 1894. Vol. 1,. No. 1. The Spatula Publishing Co, Boston. p. 24.

27) B. A. Forbes and Irving P. Fox, One Thousand Ways and Schemes to Attract Trade. The Spatula Publishing Co., Boston, MA (1907)

28) "Our Graduates" The Shield, Vol. XI, No. 2, (June, 1896), pp. 156–157.

Thursday, December 24, 2020

The prep students of the Radical University: Harvey O. Reese

Advertisement for Harvey's services


Harvey Oliver Reese 
(b. November 28, 1858; d. February 24, 1923)

South Carolina.  Born enslaved. Mulatto.
Occupation: Barber.
Father's occupation: Barber.

Harvey O. Reese was born in South Carolina in 1858.  Records are inconsistent about his parentage.  Harvey's death certificate lists his parents as John and Mattie Moore Reese. However, a Moss-Johnson-Reese family tree lists his parents as Alonzo and Sarah Bonam Reese.  Harvey was living with Alonzo and Sarah in 1870. 

Alonzo and Sarah were enslaved but largely allowed to live as free people of color. Alonzo worked as a barber and was well-regarded by the community. In May, 1869, he ran for warden for Columbia's Ward 1 on the "True Democracy" ticket in May, 1869.  The "True Democracy" ticket was a racially integrated ticket of Democratic candidates.  He was also a founding member of the Randolph Cemetery Association, an association that responsible for an African American Cemetery in Columbia.  

Harvey had matriculated into the University of South Carolina's preparatory program by January, 1876. The university closed before he completed his degree.

After the university's closure, Harvey remained in Columbia and worked as a barber.  However, in 1879 he moved to Newberry to take over the barbering business from a barber, James L. Ratley, who was leaving South Carolina for Kansas. Except for a brief return to Columbia in the 1880s, Harvey remained in Newberry and worked as a barber until his retirement.

Harvey was a well-regarded community member. In April 1917, Newberry held a "patriotic parade," presumably in support of the US's declaration of war against Germany and its entry into World War I. Harvey chaired a committee charged with organizing the "colored citizens" who were joining the parade. Other units participating were the several chapters of the United Daughters of he Confederacy and a chapter of the Children of the Confederacy. Of the 19 groups that marched in the parade, the "colored citizens" marched last.

In 1917, Harvey also helped organized Newberry African Americans to subscribed to the Red Cross Society. He chaired one of the first meetings and, at the meeting, the second largest amount for a Red Cross subscription.

Harvey retired in 1921, after 43 years of working as a barber in Newberry.  His retirement was reported by the Newberry Herald and News.  The newspaper wrote that "Reese was one of the best barbers that ever drew a razor in the city, and Newberry has a number of the finest barbers in the state"

Two years later (in 1923), Harvey died of heart disease. He is buried in Werts Cemetery in Newberry. 


Sources Cited

1)  1870; Census Place: Newberry, Newberry, South Carolina; Roll: M593_1504; Page: 646A; Family History Library Film: 553003

2) 1880; Census Place: Newberry, Newberry, South Carolina; Roll: 1235; Page: 18D; Enumeration District: 108

3) 1900; Census Place: Newberry, Newberry, South Carolina; Page: 13; Enumeration District: 0091; FHL microfilm: 1241536

4) 1910; Census Place: Newberry Ward 4, Newberry, South Carolina; Roll: T624_1461; Page: 4A; Enumeration District: 0103; FHL microfilm: 1375474

5) 1920; Census Place: Newberry Ward 4, Newberry, South Carolina; Roll: T625_1704; Page: 15A; Enumeration District: 110

6) The Daily Phoenix, May 13, 1868, p. 3.

7) Moore, John Hammond. Columbia and Richland County: A South Carolina Community, 1740-1990. University of South Carolina Pres (1993). pp. 131, 140.

8) Columbia City Directory, 1879. 

9) "Gone to Kansas." The Newberry herald, December 17, 1879, p. 3.

10) The Newberry Herald.  February 09, 1882, Image 3

11) The Newberry Herald. February 08, 1883, Image 3

12) "Parade." The Herald and News. April 17, 1917, Image 1

13) "Newberry Colored People Subscribe to Red Cross." The Herald and News, June 22, 1917, p. 5.

14) "Newberry Colored People Subscribe to Red Cross" The Herald and News, June 22, 1917, p. 5.

15) "The Red Cross Meeting A Success." The Herald and News, November 16, 1917, p. 6.

16) The Herald and News, July 26, 1921, p. 8.

Wednesday, December 16, 2020

The students of the Radical University: Milton McLaurin

Advertisement for Milton's legal services
The Marlboro democrat, June 10, 1885, p. 6

Milton McLaurin (b. May 25, 1852; August 30, 1918)

South Carolina.  White.
Occupation: Farmer, lawyer.
Father's occupation: farmer.

Milton McLaurin was born in Marlboro County, South Carolina in 1855 to Daniel Calhoun and Elizabeth Stanton McLaurin.  The mother Elizabeth was Daniel's second wife. His first wife Mary died in the mid-1840. 

The father Daniel was a well-regarded resident of Marlboro County.  He had immigrated from Scotland.  In American he worked as a farmer. In 1826, he purchased land in Clio, SC (in Marlboro County) that became the McLaurin-Roper-McColl Plantation. As was typical in the region at the time, the Milton family produced a diverse range of products.  In addition to raising livestock and growing cotton, they also grew wheat and corn. 

The family saw considerable success in farming.  By the mid-1850s, they owned  roughly 500 acres of land which they farmed with the help of 22 enslaved workers. 

This financial success marked the McLaurin family's entrance into the planter elite. In addition to achieving the financial success expected of a planter, Daniel appears also to have displayed the values that were expected. One county history says that he was "kind-hearted, hospitable, and ever ready to serve his country in any position with conscientious fidelity."

The family's fortunes took a negative turn in 1858 (when Milton was 6 years old).  That year Daniel died.  By this point, the family had grown so large that it was impossible to divide up the land among the heirs.  The entire farm was sold and the financial asserts split up.

When the Civil War broke out, Milton was too young to serve.  However, several of his siblings were in the Confederate army.  His half-brothers Alexander Lauchlin and James W. were both privates in 4th South Carolina Cavalry Regiment (Rutledge's Cavalry).  James enlisted on June 28, 1862, Alexander about 9 months later, on March 7, 1863.  

Milton's brother Dudley Phillip enlisted on August 12, 1864.  He served was a private in the 23rd Regiment, South Carolina Infantry (Hatch's Coast Rangers).

By 1870, Milton (now 15 years old) was living on his own and working as a farmer at Red Bluff in Marlboro County.  He enrolled as a college freshman at the University of South Carolina on April 1, 1874.  The university closed before he completed degree. His university attendance is mentioned in a short biographical entry in a 1902 encyclopedia of influential South Carolinians. Intriguingly, the entry just states that he attended "South Carolina University" and makes no mention of the fact that he attended during Reconstruction, when the university was racially integrated.

Milton returned to Marlboro County after the closure of USC.  By 1880, he was working as a lawyer in Bennettsville.  He remained in the town, working in the legal profession for the remainder of his life.  He also served as Bennettsville's clerk and treasurer and was appointed as trial justice (a position similar to a justice of the peace). Milton's former classmate E. J. Sawyer also settled in Bennettsville, although there is no record of any interactions.

By 1891, Milton had been made U.S. Commissioner for the Fourth District. He held the position until at least 1899.  The office of the U.S. Commissioner no longer exists, but it was responsible for routine judicial duties like taking testimony and taking bail.  It was similar to a modern magistrate judge.

Milton also served as the county Probate Judge. He served in this position from 1878 until 1884, when he resigned, and then from 1888 until his death in 1918. He was originally appointed to the position because the elected candidate was unqualified, but thereafter he was regularly elected. 

One of the most interesting legal cases Milton was involved with was a 1908 arson case.  On October 12, 1908, a Bennettsville store run by resident Zephry P. Wright caught fire.  Wright appeared to be drunk and fought residents who tried to put out the fire. When police tried to subdue him, he tried to run away but was caught and jailed.

Wright was immediately suspected to have set fire to his store and was charged with arson.  Normally, Milton would not have become involved because he dealt with civil law.  However, probate judges had the ability to declare residents insane. After receiving affidavits from medical doctors and others, Milton declared Wright insane and issued an order that he be confined to the state asylum. 

Milton's order that Wright be transferred from jail to an asylum was abandoned. The Court of General Sessions insisted that the matter be adjudicated there because Wright was already under indictment. After over half a year of further legal proceedings, the court found Wright guilt and sentenced him to 10 years in the state penitentiary. However, the court also requested that a commission evaluate Wight's sanity. The commission reported that Wright was "a man of constitutional inferiority." On the basis of the recommendation, Wright was confined to the state asylum instead of being sent to the penitentiary.

Beyond his work for the government, Milton was an engaged member of the community.  In 1907, the United Daughters of the Confederacy worked with the Veterans of Camp Henegan (another Confederate veterans group) to erect a monument to Marlboro's "Confederate heroes."  Milton served on an 8-person special committee charged with raising funds to the monument and related activities.  The monument was erected on July 11 and remains in Marlboro. 

Milton began to experience health problems in Summer, 1918.  That summer he experienced a series of a paralytic strokes.  The second stroke left him unconscious.  He remained unconscious until a week later when he died.  The death was attributed to kidney problems (uremia and interstitial nephritis). 

An obituary published in The State newspaper said that Milton was "one of Marlboro County's best citizens . . . and was a man of remarkably broad sympathies and generous impulses. He was diligent in the practice of Christian virtues and a more charitably inclined man did not have in the county."  He is buried in Evergreen Cemetery in Bennettsville.

Sources 
1). 1870; Census Place: Red Bluff, Marlboro, South Carolina; Roll: M593_1504; Page: 398A; Family History Library Film: 553003

2)  1880; Census Place: Bennettsville, Marlboro, South Carolina; Roll: 1235; Page: 416C; Enumeration District: 105

3)  Official Register of the United States, Containing a List of the Officers and Employees in the Civil, Military, and Naval Service Together with a List of Vessels Belonging to the United States. 1895, 1897, 1899

4)  1900; Census Place: Bennettsville, Marlboro, South Carolina; Page: 9; Enumeration District: 0088; FHL microfilm: 1241535

5)  1910; Census Place: Bennettsville Ward 2, Marlboro, South Carolina; Roll: T624_1467; Page: 8B; Enumeration District: 0079; FHL microfilm: 1375480

6)  South Carolina Department of Archives and History; Columbia, South Carolina; South Carolina Death Records; Year Range: 1900-1924; Death County or Certificate Range: Marlboro. Certificate Number: 015617. Volume Number: 33.

7)  1860; Census Place: Marlboro, South Carolina; Page: 178; Family History Library Film: 805223

8)  Thomas, J. A. W. A History of Marlboro County with Traditions and Sketches of Numerous Families. The Foote & Davies Company, Atlanta GA (1897). p. 138, 142.

9)  "Death in South Carolina." State (published as The State). August 31, 1918. p. 2.

10) "Wright is declared insane."  State, October 16. 1908, p. 10.

11) "Papers in the Wright case." State, October 20, 1908, p. 9

12) National Register of Historic Places Nomination form for McLaurin-Roper-McColl Plantation (2011).

13) "Attempted Arson by Z. P. Wright." State, October 15,. 1908, p. 8.

14) "Wright Declared Insane By Commission Appointed to Inquire Into His Sanity." Columbia Record, 4 P.M. ed., July 21, 1909, p. 8.

15) The Marlboro democrat, April 25, 1890, p. 4.

16) "A Worthy Appeal to All" The Marlboro democrat, July 5, 1907, p. 3.

17) "The Confederate Monument." The Marlboro democrat, July 5, 1907, p. 3.

Saturday, December 12, 2020

Draft of MAA Focus Article

David L. Hunter
From the 1964 Mecklenburg College Yearbook

David L. Hunter with the Math Club
From 1964 Mecklenburg College Yearbook

David L. Hunter with Math Club
From 1962 Mecklenburg College Yearbook


David L. Hunter with Math Class
From 1963 Mecklenburg College Yearbook

David L. Hunter with Chess Club
From 1964 Mecklenburg College Yearbook

Although largely unnoticed, the Mathematical Association of American (MAA) passed an important anniversary in 2017.  That was the 45th anniversary of the desegregation of the MAA sectional meetings.  Prior to the civil rights movement, African Americans mathematicians, especially those working in the South, often found themselves excluded from professional events like MAA sectional meetings.  A few incidents of discrimination, especially in the Southeastern section, have been well-documented.  Less documented is how the meetings of the Southeastern section were ultimately desegregated.  While MAA Presidents and members of the Board of Governors were asked to take action on this issue, their actions had limited impact. In the end, meetings were desegregated by David L. Hunter and students at Bennett College.

Largely drawing on the article "African-American Mathematicians and the Mathematical Association of America" (1995) by Asamoah Nkwanta and Janet E. Barber and "A History of Minority Participation in the Southeastern Section" (1995) by E. T. Falconer, H. J. Walton, J. E. Wilkins, Jr., A. A. Shabazz, and S. T. Bozeman, we will recall two of the discriminatory acts and how Dr. Hunter desegregated the meeting.  We will then give a biographical sketch of Hunter, drawing on oral history interviews with him that were conducted by researchers at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte in 1996 and 2005.

The best documented act of discrimination at an MAA meeting occurred at a 1951 meeting of the Southeastern section held at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee. A group of African American mathematicians from Fisk University registered to attend the meeting.  However, Nashville was a racially segregated city, and the organizers informed the Fisk mathematicians that they were not allowed to attend the banquet dinner because of their race.  The Fisk mathematicians wrote a letter of protest to the MAA Board of Governors. The Board responded by passing a resolution expressing the MAA’s intent to conduct its activities in a non-discriminatory manner and directed individual sectional officers to act in a manner consistent with this intent.

At the time, the Fisk mathematicians expressed concern about the resolution: it offered no concrete protection.  Their concern proved valid.  In 1960, a meeting of the Southeastern section was held at the University of South Carolina in Columbia.  The meeting was held at an off-campus hotel as the university was racially segregated.  A group of African American mathematicians from Atlanta University tried to participate in the meeting.  However, upon arriving in Columbia, they were informed that they could not stay at the hotel as it was whites-only. The Atlanta mathematicians left the meeting in protest.

Upon returning to Atlanta, Atlanta University math chair Abdulalim Shabazz (then going by "Lonnie Cross") issued a press release protesting the discrimination he and his colleagues had experienced. The press release made national news and was reported by Jet magazine, for example. Although hosting a meeting at a whites-only hotel was clearly contrary to the MAA’s non-discrimination resolution, the MAA took no action and reported it as though no protest had taken place.

Both the incident at Vanderbilt and the incident at Atlanta are reasonably well-documented.  Less well-documented is when African Americans began fully participating in the Southeastern section.  The story deserves to be better known.  Although it took over a decade, the meetings of the Southeastern section were ultimately desegregated by Dr. Shabazz’s former student David L. Hunter.

Now retired, Dr. Hunter spent most of his career working at Central Piedmont Community College (CPCC) in Charlotte, North Carolina.  He was elected Vice-Chairman of the Southeastern section in 1972, and he held the position until 1975. 

During Hunter’s vice-chairmanship, the Southeastern section saw remarkable progress in making meetings accessible to African Americans.  Prior to his chairmanship, it appears that no African American had presented at a meeting of the Southeastern section, although the MAA had been in existence for over five decades. From 1972 to 1974, African American students from Bennett College regularly gave presentations.  The students who presented were Nedra Hamer, Denise L. Johnson, Nanette B. Lowe, Gloria J. Philips, Bessie Tarpley, Reba M. Turner, and Ruby D. William. African American participation at these meetings was one of the highest in the MAA’s history.

What was the professional trajectory of the man who achieved this?  Dr. Hunter was born in Charlotte, North Carolina in 1933.  After graduating from high school, Hunter stayed in Charlotte and attended Johnson C. Smith University.  Right after graduation, he was hired as a math instructor at Carver College.  (Carver was a black junior college in Charlotte that was later incorporated into CPCC.)

When he was hired by Carver, Hunter agreed that he would get a master's degree.  After his first year of teaching (in Summer, 1958), he started taking graduate courses at Atlanta University.  He enjoyed his studies and found the Department Chair Dr. Shabazz to be especially inspirational.  ("Smartest man I've ever seen in my life" is how he later described Dr. Shabazz.)

Dr. Shabazz encouraged Hunter to return next summer, but attending Atlanta University was a major financial burden.  The cost of summer tuition together with room and board was roughly 1 month of Hunter's salary.  However, because he had done well during his first summer, Dr. Shabazz arranged for him to be hired as a teaching instructor at Morehouse College.  With the income from teaching, Hunter was able to return for another summer and then for the 1959-1960 academic year.

While a student in Atlanta, Hunter became involved in the civil rights movement.  At the time, many of the restaurants in downtown Atlanta were segregated. In 1960, a number of Atlanta University students protested against this by participating in sit-ins.  Hunter and other math graduate students went to an upscale whites-only cafeteria and tried to join the serving line.  As they waited in line, the cafeteria's clientele started to change: well-dressed businessmen were replaced by rough-looking workers.  Hunter said the new clientele was "getting ready to do something bad," but before violence broke out, the police arrived and announced that the cafeteria was closed and made everyone leave.

At the end of the academic year, Hunter had done well in his coursework.  He submitted his M.S. thesis "Lecture in the theory of functions of a complex variable, Part II"  at the end of summer. With the thesis submitted, Hunter was ready to graduate except that he failed his foreign language exam.  Frustrated, he decided to return to Charlotte without his degree.

Carver College was in a state of transition when Hunter returned.  The college was moving to a new location and had been renamed Mecklenburg College.  Hunter said that white city officials had decided on the name change because they didn't want the college to be named after an African American. (Carver College was named after George Washington Carver.)

The renaming of Carver College was part of a general backlash to integration efforts in Charlotte.  While the famous 1954 Brown v. Board of Ed Supreme Court decision had ordered states to desegregate their public school systems, Charlotte only started to desegregate in the early 1960s after facing lawsuits.  Efforts at desegregation made people "mean as hell" in Hunter's words.

Ironically, desegregation had a negative impact on many African American teachers.  As progress was made towards desegregation, it became clear that many blacks-only schools like Mecklenburg would be shutdown and only a few African American teachers would keep their jobs.  Anticipating that he would soon be fired, Hunter began to apply for jobs as a high school teacher.  However, he was told that he would be hired at CPCC if he completed his master's degree.

Hunter returned to Atlanta University in the summer of 1964 to complete his degree.  He continued to take math classes and passed his foreign language exam.  He was awarded a master's degree at the end of the 1964-65 academic year.

Hunter completed his degree just in time because Mecklenburg College had closed by the time he returned to Charlotte.  Out of about 15 people working at Mecklenburg, Hunter was one of only a handful to be hired at CPCC.

Hunter was anxious about starting to teach at CPCC as he was the only African American instructor and the student body was predominately white.  To help everyone make the adjustment, a friendly chemistry instructor accompanied Hunter to his first class.  The instructor (falsely) told the students that he and Hunter were co-teaching the class and asked Hunter to call roll. After Hunter did so, the instructor turned the classroom over to him.  The class then proceeded normally.  After that, Hunter did not make any special efforts in the classroom, and he said he soon felt accepted by the students and faculty.

Hunter‘s election to the position of Vice Chairman of the Southeastern section of the MAA took place after he had been teaching at CPCC for roughly a decade.  Around the time his vice chairmanship ended, he became increasingly involved in administrative work and decreasingly involved in mathematics.  He earned a Doctorate of Education from Nova Southeastern University in 1979.  In 1995, he retired as the Dean of Arts and Sciences and Vice President of General Studies at CPCC.  He is an honored citizen of Charlotte.  For example, he was awarded the National Council on Black American Affairs’ Distinguished Service Award.

Upon reflecting on Hunter’s contributions to the MAA, I am struck by the fact that they were made possible by the sacrifices of a number of mathematicians, especially African American mathematicians.  Both Lee Lorch and Abdulalim Shabazz faced major repercussions for challenging segregation.  They were under FBI surveillance for parts of the 1950s and 1960s.  Ultimately, they lost their jobs.  Lorch was forced to move to Canada for work.  Shabazz left academia for about a decade to work in the Nation of Islam.  Opposing segregation also took a toll on Bennett College. Many of the college’s students were jailed for participating in the civil rights movement. 

The costs these people paid led to remarkable progress during the 1970s.  However, it is unclear how much progress has been sustained.  No good statistics are available, but it appears that the growth in African American participation in the Southeastern section that was achieved during Hunter’s vice chairmanship was not sustained.  The fiftieth anniversary of Hunter’s vice chairmanship will occur in two years.  I hope all MAA members will use that time to reflect on Hunter’s contributions and how to build on them.

Abstract for 1960 talk by Shabazz in the Monthly
No mention was made that Shabazz left in protest before giving the talk
The American Mathematical Monthly, (Aug. - Sep., 1960), p. 728


Solution to a Monthly Elementary Problem by the Bennett College Team
The American Mathematical Monthly (Jan., 1975), p. 78


A 1958 FBI report on Martin Luther King mentioned Dr. Shabazz
File 100-438794

Dolemite in Indian Territory?!

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