The professors of the Radical University: Anson W. Cummings, Part 1

A. W. Cummings
Memoirs

Anson Watson Cummings (b. February 23, 1815; December 7, 1894)

NY.  White.
Education: Wesleyan University (honorary M.A.), Indiana Asbury University (honorary D.D.)
Occupation: merchant, preacher, professor, teacher.

Anson W. Cummings was born in 1815 in Trenton, New York to John Dean and Mary Dorothy Cummings. His mother Mary was an immigrant from Ireland. It is unclear where his father John was from. Census records state that he was born in Canada, but Lamb's Biographical Dictionary states that he was born in Connecticut.

After Anson was born, his family moved to Canada, and he grew up in the town of Brockville in Ontario. Anson's teenage years were marked by hardship as his father died when Anson was only fifteen years old (in 1830). At age 18 (in 1833), he left Canada for school. He attended a school in Boonville (a town in upstate New York) and the Cazenovia Seminary (also located in the upstate, in the town of Cazenovia). The seminary was run by the Methodist Episcopal Church, although it was an academic seminary (similar to a high school) rather than a purely theological seminary.

His attendance at the Cazenovia Seminary was part of a life-long engagement with the Methodist church. He had joined the church at age ten, received an exhorter's license at nineteen (in 1834), and was licensed to preach at age twenty-one (around the time he completed his education at the seminary). However, most of his career was spent working as an educator rather than as a preacher. His first job, which he started in spring 1836, was as the principal of the Collinsville Institute in Lewis County, New York. He left the next year to teach at the Gouvernor Wesleyan Seminary, a seminary run by the ME church. Anson served as the seminary's teacher of mathematics and English.  He remained at the seminary for the next seven years, serving as principal during the last two years. In 1842 (the year he was elected principal), Anson was awarded an honorary A.M. degree from Wesleyan University. 

In 1844, Anson left the seminary and served as a pastor. He was stationed in Fairfield, New York. That year was an important one for the Methodist church. The church had become deeply divided over the issue of slavery. While the founder of Methodism, John Wesley, had strongly opposed the practice, the church compromised on the issue during the early 1800s.  Its' official position was that it opposed slavery, but it also regarded the practice as a political and civil issue that was outside the church's purview. However, church officials continued to debate over what the church's position on slavery should be.

The matter came to a head in 1844 when a bishop in Georgia received a slave through his marriage. The national governing body voted to suspend him until he gave up ownership, but this decision was strongly criticized by Methodists in the south. The next year (in May 1845) southern Methodists split off and formed their own church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, South.

Anson commented on the regional split in a biography he wrote about his first wife. He expressed  sympathy for southerners and blamed the division on political developments in the north: "A state of things existed in the North that rendered a longer union of Methodists in the South with the North, dangerous to the prosperity of the Church." Methodists in the north, he felt, had further inflamed things by "violently assailing" efforts to split the church in two. In debates over the matter, he wrote, "Much intemperate zeal was displayed, and much bitterness entered into the discussion."

Later, during Reconstruction, Cummings strongly advocated for the rights of African Americans, but in the biographical account, he displays little interest in the issue. He lumps abolitionism in with a nascent millennial movement (Millerism) and regards both as disrupting proper religious activities: 

Admidst the angry strife the spirit of revival could now dwell. Few revivals occurred in the North. In Fairfield there was no revival: Abolitionism, Millerism, and the division of the Church absorbed the attention of the people. The pastor was branded as pro-slavery because he would not allow the use of his pulpit to abolition fanatics, or permit them, rebuked, to slander his Church in other pulpits of the town.

Cummings' expressed views may reflect his efforts to join the southern church. The biography containing his remarks was published in 1856. That year he had moved to Tennessee left the northern church for the M.E. Church, South. He published the biography with a printer associated with the southern church.

Cummings only spent two years in Fairfield. In 1846, he left for the midwest. One biographical account states he resigned from the pulpit because he was experiencing health problems. 

Anson moved to the town of Lebanon in southern Illinois to teach at McKendree College (now University). The college had been founded and, at the time, was run by the Methodist Episcopal Church. Anson arrived at the college as it was emerging from a crisis. During the previous few years, the college had experienced financial difficulties. Many faculty and students departed, and courses were suspended for a few months in early 1846. The board of trustees hired a new faculty to replace the departed professors. Because of financial constraints, the new faculty were not paid a salary and instead were given a "preacher's allowance" funded by contributions of money and provisions by local church members. After this restructuring, the trustees elected a new president, Erastus Wentworth. Wentworth's family was close to Anson's. Wentworth was married to the older sister of Anson's wife, and the two men had taught together at Gouvernor Seminary.

Anson began teaching at McKendree in fall 1846. He served as professor of mathematics and natural sciences. During Anson's time at McKendree, the college managed to overcome its financial problems and maintained stability. By 1852, a few hundred students were enrolled, although most were preparatory students (as opposed to college students). Alumni that graduated during this time included Silas L. Bryan, the father of William Jennings Bryan.

President Wentworth left McKendree in 1850 to become a professor at Dickinson College. Anson was elected to replace him as president. Anson was a natural choice for the trustees as he had served effectively as a professor and as the college's fiscal agent. That same year Anson was awarded an honorary D.D. degree from Indiana Asbury University (now DePauw University).

Anson served as president until 1853. His time at McKendree saw a few notable developments. The campus newspaper the "Lebanon Journal" (later called the "Illinois Advocate and Lebanon Journal") was established. Anson served as the newspaper's first editor. The college also made its first steps towards admitting women. At the time, the college was male-only, but in 1852, Anson presented a resolution to admit women at a meeting of Joint Board. However, the motion was laid on the table and then forgotten. Women were only admitted to the college long after Cummings had left, in 1869.

After stepping down from the McKendree presidency, Anson withdrew from connection with the Methodist Episcopal Church. According to an account of a minister who later worked with Anson, he resigned from the ministry after having charges (presumably of misconduct) brought against him. He then moved to St Louis, Missouri and worked as a druggist for a time. While there, he joined the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Other sources corroborate that Anson lived in Missouri for a time and that he joined the southern church, but otherwise the minister's account is the sole source of this information.

In autobiographical accounts, Anson does not mention his time in Missouri or discuss his reasons for leaving the church. Instead, he writes that he left Illinois for health reasons. He'd long suffered from asthma, and he hoped a milder climate would alleviate it. Anson first moved to Rogersville, Tennessee to serve as president of the Odd Fellows' Female College. Anson soon became a source of local controversy. Many town residents were Presbyterians, and some objected to having a Methodist like Cummings serve as college president. Following a misunderstanding between Anson and the Presbyterian college steward, acrimonious debate broke out within the local Odd Fellows Lodge that controlled the college. The debate was resolved by Anson's resigning from his presidency. Anson then left the state for Asheville, North Carolina. He moved to North Carolina to serve as president of the Holston Conference Female College.

Anson arrived at the Holston Conference Female College around 1854. The college was originally founded as the Asheville Female Seminary, but during the early 1850s, the college became the property of the Holston Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. When Anson arrived, the college was experiencing financial problems. The problems stemmed from a scholarship program that had been created. The Conference had created the program to increase enrollment, but the funding for the program was not sufficient to put the college on a stable financial footing. 

As college president, Anson was lauded for improving the college's finances. For example, he organized new classes in music and art that brought in additional tuition money. Student enrollment at the college  reached about two hundred students during his time. 

Anson's work at the college was disrupted by the Civil War. In 1863, the college was suspended, and Anson resigned from his presidency. However, he remained in Asheville for the duration of the war. In addition to working at the college, he performed editorial duties for Asheville News and was active in the church.

Anson supported the Confederacy. After the war, he explained his position by saying that he had opposed the war, but once the war broke out, he wished for a Confederate victory and generally was sympathetic to the South. Anson himself had a personal interest in the outcome of the war as he owned slaves. At the outbreak of the war, his household included two enslaved adult women and five children.

Anson was forty-six years old when the war broke out, so he was too old to serve in the military. Most of his sons were too young, but his oldest son Parish was just old enough at the war's end. Parish served in a cavalry unit for about half a year in 1864.

During the war, church members hotly debated the role that the Methodist Episcopal Church, South should play. Some argued that the church should be apolitical, while others felt religious rights were closely tied to the Confederacy. The Holston Conference was largely dominated by church leaders who felt the church should actively support the Confederacy. Anson was among those supporters.

In 1862, Anson introduced a motion to appoint church members to serve as chaplains in the Confederate army. Later, in 1864, he served on a five-man special committee charged with deciding whether church members accused of being disloyal to the Confederacy should be discharged. For example, the committee considered whether to discharge three church members living in Knoxville who were accused of joining the Methodist Episcopal Church (North) and then attempting to transfer property owned by the Holston Conference. The committee also considered the case of five members accused of taking an oath of loyalty to the United States. One committee member, sympathetic to many of the accused, was critical of Anson for being overly enthusiastic in discharging church members. Anson, he said, "out Heroded Herod in his persecution of the disloyal brethren."

Anson also played a role in less controversial church activities. He was appointed to a six-person commission charged with establishing a Conference journal. Before the war, the Holston Conference had published the Christian Advocate. However, that journal was based in Nashville, and publication was suspended once the city became occupied by federal troops. In its place, the committee established the Holston Journal.

Anson left North Carolina about a year after the war's end. According to one account, he had angered several political powerful individuals within the state over financial matters. For example, both state Governor Zebulon Baird Vance and Asheville Mayor Edward J. Aston became upset because they felt Anson had treated them unfairly in business dealings. Things came to a head when Anson was accused of misconduct while college president. The church tried him on the charge of attempting to "defraud the trustees of Holston Conference Female College by erasing from one of their account books entries of money received by him at sundry times to the amount of several hundred dollars." Anson was found guilty and suspended from the ministry for twelve months.

Despite his evidently controversial departure from North Carolina, Anson remained in good standing with the Asheville community. He visited the town in 1890 (decades after he'd left) to visit some relatives (his son Parish and his brother-in-law J. W. Israel). His visit was approvingly reported in the Asheville Weekly Citizen newspaper. The newspaper described him as "the popular and successful president of Asheville Female College." In contrast, after Reconstruction, Anson was largely regarded with scorn and contempt by White South Carolinians. 

Anson left North Carolina for South Carolina. He settled in the town of Spartanburg in April 1866. There he first worked at the Spartanburg Female College. The college had closed during the Civil War, and it reopened under his presidency. In addition to serving as president, Anson acted as "Teacher of Mathematics and Lecturer of Natural Science, &c." His wife Isabella served as the "Teacher of Rhetoric, Mental and Moral Science." The college offered a college preparatory program and a four-year college course. In addition to Anson and his wife, four other women were also on the faculty. Running the college under the difficulty economic conditions of post-war chaos proved difficult. The college ran into financial difficulties two years after it reopened. The trustees went into bankruptcy, classes were suspended, and the college became private property. 

After the college closed, Anson remained in Spartanburg, farming and working as a merchant. He also worked for the state government in 1868 and 1869. In the first year, he assessed personal property for the county Auditor. The next year he was formally appointed to the position by Governor Scott. He also served as a tax collector under the county Treasurer Peter Quinn Camp.

In general, tax collectors were often a magnet for criticism as many White South Carolinians were outraged at the taxes imposed by the Reconstruction government. Anson was no exception. In July 1869, a grand jury criticized him for his performance as tax collector. The grand jury found that Anson had made substantial errors in his assessments, and those errors were "almost invariably in [his] favor." The jury foreman further criticized Anson for keeping his office open only for limited periods of time.

Another source of controversy was a federally funded project that Anson was also involved with. In 1870, he received a federal contract to build a schoolhouse for "Freedman & Refugees." Shortly after it was built, a representative for the Air-Line Railroad company, the prominent local Democrat Gabriel Cannon, informed school officials that the company wanted to replace the schoolhouse with a railway depot. Cummings proposed to the school's (largely Black) trustees that he serve as the school's agent in negotiations with the railroad company. Cummings hoped to negotiate for funding that would allow the trustees to build a larger school in a different location. 

The ultimate outcome of the dispute between the school trustees and the railway company is unclear as the event is only recorded in correspondence between Cummings and state officials. Cummings wrote that, rather than allowing him to negotiate with the railway company, the trustees entrusted the matter to a Black Zion Methodist preacher. Under the preacher's supervision, legal action was taken, resulting in a jury assessment that the railway company owed the school $499.25 in damages. Cummings felt this was a poor outcome and that the property should have been assessed at $1,000 or more. He blamed the trustees for acting irresponsibly, and he wrote that the preacher they had trusted was "a very bad man." The state attorney general (Daniel Chamberlain) investigated the issue, and agreed that trustees had received poor financial compensation, but he attributed this to the "neglect" or "incompetency" of the trustees and their agent.

Anson's service in the state government is anomalous in light of his prior support for the Confederacy. Governor Scott's administration was generally hostile towards former Confederates. Moreover, during his administration, people who had supported the Confederacy were barred from holding state or federal office. Indeed, under the 14th Amendment (passed in 1868), individuals who had taken an oath of office to support the U.S. Constitution and then violated that oath by supporting secession were disqualified from office. Although Anson does not seem to have held political office before the war, it appears that the political disability applied to him as he appeared on a 1870 list of individuals whose disabilities had been removed (via an act of Congress). In appointing Anson, the governor might have simply disregarded the  disability clause as it often was unenforced.

Anson's government work appears to have marked a change in political affiliation. His gubernatorial appointment suggests that he had become a Republican by 1868. However, he later stated in later testimony to Congress that this was not the case. Anson testified that he largely voted the Democratic ticket in the 1868 election. However, he claimed that he did not consider himself a supporter of either political party. Rather, he had voted for the Democrats because he personally knew the presidential candidate Horatio Seymour from his time in New York state. (Seymour had served in the New York state legislature.) 

Anson may have been downplaying his past involvement with the Democrats. At the same Congressional hearing, local Democratic leader Gabriel Cannon gave a different account of Anson's political activity. He said that Anson not only had been a member of the Democratic party, but he in fact was appointed to give speeches on the party's behalf.

Anson seems to have fully embraced the Republican Party by the early 1870s. He joined the local (pro-Republican) Loyal League around October 1870, although he only remained a member for a few months. By 1872, he was publicly identified as a Radical Republican in newspapers such as the Edgefield Advertiser. 

Anson changed his church affiliations around the time that he changed political parties. In December, 1870, he rejoined the Methodist Episcopal Church (that is, the northern church). He would remain in the church for the rest of his life. 

In the summer of 1871, Anson visited the Claflin University, a newly opened HBCU founded by the Methodist church. He was one of several visitors invited to attend "anniversary exercises" (possibly a ceremony similar to gradation). Anson wrote an account of his visit that published in the Vermont newspaper the Christian Messenger. The newspaper's readership had supported the founding of Claflin, and Anson wrote his letter to inform the readership of the fruits of their support.

Anson's account of Claflin is notable as it contains the earliest extent statement of his views on African Americans:

The examinations [at Claflin] . . . showed faithfulness and skill on the part of the teachers, and on the part of the pupils a much higher degree of mental capacity, than many believed them to possess. The recitations would have been highly creditable to white pupils of the same ages in our best public schools. This is remarkable when it is remembered that but a short time since some of them were mere chattels, and had been bought and sold in the market. . . . Some may look with scorn and contempt upon those engaged in this noble work, but it is to go forward. The colored people, as a people, are anxious for improvement. In the education of their children, they manifest a commendable zeal

In the statement, Anson also criticized white elites in South Carolina. Many of them, he wrote, were opposed to Claflin University and, more generally, to efforts to educate African Americans. He said their opposition was "cruel, impolite, and unchristian." 

The year 1871 was a difficult one for Anson. That year Spartanburg county became a center of Ku Klux violence. Ku Kluxers became active in South Carolina in 1868 (when the state constitution enfranchising freedmen was ratified). Activity dramatically increased in 1871. What exactly occurred isn't entirely clear as the Ku Klux was shrouded in secrecy, but the increase appears to have been a response to the election that had occurred the previous year. Republican governor Robert K. Scott had ran for re-election. Scott was hated by Conservatives, and his activities in the lead-up to the election were a particular source of anger. Scott had organized a largely African American state militia. Not only were White Conservatives upset at the sight of former slaves bearing arms, but they were also concerned that Scott was using the militia to help get re-elected. Militia units held public drills during the election campaign, and these drills were interpreted by many Conservatives as an effort to intimidate voters. 

The election saw Scott re-elected. What followed was some of the worst Ku Klux violence seen during the 19th century. Conservatives later justified the violence as an effort at self-defense against the state militia and, more generally, the lawless manner in which the state government operated.

Ku Klux violence focused in the upstate, especially in the counties of Union, York, and Spartanburg. Anson said that he had long heard reports of the Ku Klux in South Carolina, but he regarded them a "hoax" or "phantom" until around the time of the election, in October or November. By then, Ku Klux violence in the upstate was becoming so prevalent that it was impossible to ignore.

Within Spartanburg county, violence largely occurred in rural areas and targeted prominent African Americans who were active in the Republican party. A typical attack involved a group of disguised men visiting someone's home at night, whipping them, and then threatening worse violence if they remained active in politics. In parts of the county, violence was pervasive. Anson said that, in Limestone township,  "nearly every colored man who has remained there has been whipped unless he was an avowed democrat."

Whites were also attacked, and the violence could escalate to murder. One of the most infamous incidents was a March 1871 attack on John Winsmith. Winsmith was a prominent planter-physician. He was a native South Carolinian and had served the Confederacy, but after the war, he became a Republican. White Conservatives viewed Winsmith with particularly suspicion and scorn because they thought he was helping arm Black militia units. In late March 1871, Winsmith was attacked at his home at night by a group of disguised men. The men fled after Winsmith met them outside and fired on them with his pistol. However, before they left, they shot Winsmith seven times. Winsmith was severely injured, although he survived the attack despite being in his 60s.

The town of Spartanburg itself only saw a few Ku Klux attacks. In testimony to Congress, Anson said he only knew of two incidents: an (unsuccessful) attempt to rescue from jail a White prisoner who had murdered a Black man and a visit to the home of a Black man (Charles Moore) to seize firearms he was storing.

Anson himself felt threatened by Ku Kluxers. The most serious incident occurred in late March. On Tuesday March 14, a friend of Anson's, one "Mr. Flemming" (possibly the merchant Don Fleming), sent a letter advising him that he should avoid being at home on Saturday night. Anson believed Flemming was a member of the Ku Klux, and the warning concerned an upcoming raid. 

Anson left town for North Carolina the day after the letter was sent (on Wednesday), so Flemming was only able to warn him when he returned on Saturday. Upon Anson's return, an "agitated" Flemming met him and showed the letter. Anson's family had already seen the letter and were greatly distressed. 

Anson heeded the warning and left his home that night. However, no visit was made. Anson believed this was because of military intervention. Shortly after the warning letter was sent, U.S. troops (probably about one hundred soldiers, mostly cavalry) arrived in town to protect residents. Anson thought the Ku Kluxers had canceled their plans after learning of the presence of the troops.

In general, while there were no major Ku Klux raids on the town of Spartanburg, Republican residents lived in fear during this time. Anson said he thought everyone felt "entirely insecure almost constantly." Before the arrival of U.S. troops, the young men from Republican families spent much of their time away from home. Either they slept outside to avoid Ku Klux raids, or they helped guard people's homes. Anson was convinced that it was only the arrival of U.S. troops that averted a major Ku Klux attack.

Representative of the atmosphere in town after the arrival of troops is an item that was published in the Spartan newspaper. On April 28, the Spartan published the following under the editorial heading:

A Reverend Gentleman's Evening Prayer

("Suppose to have been uttered on the evening of the arrival of the United States cavalry at this place)

"Now I lay me down to sleep

I pray thee, Grant, my body keep.

Just let thy soldiers round me stand,

And drive away the Ku-Klux band;

That I may have one night of rest,

With consciousness of safety blessed.

And though my conscience sting no more,

And keep me wakeful evermore,

I think I can make out to snore,

A grateful song I will then raise,

Thy soldiers and the grace to praise.

Amen.

It was generally understood that the "Reverend Gentleman" was an oblique reference to Anson. The Sparten was regarded as a Democratic paper, so the item was almost certainly published as a way to mock Anson and his fear of Ku Kluxers.

Anson worked to fight against the Ku Klux in Spartanburg. He and Peter Quinn Camp (the county Treasurer) compiled a list of people who had been subject to Ku Klux attacks. The origin of the list is slightly unclear. P. Q. Camp later recalled that he had been discussing Ku Klux attacks with Anson and some other Spartanburg residents (possibly also Enoch Cannon, the local postmaster ). Over the course of their discussion, they realized it would be helpful to maintain a list of Ku Klux victims, and Anson and Camp agreed that they would begin to do this.

Anson recalled events slightly differently. He recalled that the assistant adjutant general, General Anderson, visited Spartanburg a few months after the election (in November or December) to investigate reports of Ku Klux attacks. He interviewed Anson about the matter and asked for a list of all attacks that Anson knew of. Anson provided a list of forty or fifty cases, and he then began maintaining a list, adding cases as he learned of them. Word evidently spread throughout the county that Anson and Camp were collecting this information as many Ku Klux victims made reports to them. By summer 1871, Anson had compiled a list of over two hundred victims. 

As a way to help combat the Ku Klux, Anson provided his list to politicians. During the winter, he wrote a letter to Spartanburg's congressman, Alexander S. Wallace. Wallace, a White scalawag who played a lead role in trying to get Congress to take action against against Ku Kluxers. Congress ended up passing three bills, the Enforcement Acts, designed to help the federal government fight Ku Kluxers. They also created an investigative committee charged with investigating reports of Ku Klux violence in the south.

The Congressional investigating committee was organized in April 1871. In June and July, it sent a subcommittee to South Carolina to collect testimony. The subcommittee traveled to the Columbia as well as the towns of York and Spartanburg (two major Ku Klux centers). Anson testified before the subcommittee. His testimony focused on the list of Ku Klux victims that he had complied.

Ku Klux violence died down by the end of 1871. The reasons for this remain contested. Historian Eric Foner attributes this to the intervention by the federal government. Using powers granted by the Enforcement Acts, President Grant suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus (providing protection against unlawful confinement) in nine upstate counties including Spartanburg on October 17. Federal marshals, working with the U.S. army, then proceeded to arrest hundreds of alleged Ku Kluxers. The most arrests, two hundred and thirty, were made in Spartanburg County. Foner credits this federal intervention with ending Ku Klux violence. 

The historian Richard Zuczek disputes Foner's account. He argues that Ku Klux violence had already subsided before Grant suspended habeas corpus. He attributes the end of violence to White conservatives influential among Ku Kluxers. By summer, Ku Kluxers had achieved many of their political goals, and continued activities threatened to create civil disorder and provoke a stronger federal response. Recognizing this, White conservative leaders directed Ku Kluxers to end their activities. 

In the spring of 1872, Anson traveled around New England and lectured on Ku Kluxism in South Carolina. The lecture tour was held to collect funds to build a Methodist meeting house in Spartanburg. Anson's lectures appear to have been somewhat dramatic. He had acquired a Ku Klux disguise, consisting of a mask and black robes, and a young man wearing the disguise appeared during his lectures. Anson had also acquired a copy of the constitution and by-laws for the Ku Klux, and he read from them during his presentation. His lectures appear to have been popular. For example, when he lectured at the Tremont Temple in Boston, the Boston Post reported that the temple was "well filled and the lecture may be called a success financially."

Anson left Spartanburg in 1872. He moved to Columbia to hold a professorship at the University of South Carolina. 

Publications

1. The Hidden Life Exemplified in the Early Conversion, Pious Life, and Peaceful Death of Mrs. Florilla A. Cummings. E. Stevenson & J.E. Evans, for the Methodist Episcopal church, South: Nashville, Tenn (1856).

2. The Early School of Methodism.  New York: Phillips & Hunt. Cincinnati: Cranston & Stowe (1886).

3. Cummings, A. W. “Free Schools in South Carolina.” New England Journal of Education 3, no. 25 (1876): 289–289.

Sources

1. 1830; Census Place: Boonville, Oneida, New York; Series: M19; Roll: 99; Page: 305

2. 1840; Census Place: Gouverneur, Saint Lawrence, New York; Roll: 334; Page: 102; Family History Library Film: 0017204

3. 1850; Census Place: Lebanon, St Clair, Illinois; Roll: 126; Page: 505b

4. 1860; Census Place: Asheville, Buncombe, North Carolina; Page: 245; Family History Library Film: 803889

4. 1860 U.S. Federal Census - Slave Schedules

5. 1870; Census Place: Court House, Spartanburg, South Carolina; Roll: M593_1508; Page: 410A

7. 1880; Census Place: Scio, Allegany, New York; Roll: 809; Page: 349D; Enumeration District: 024

8. Centennial History of McKendree College. Lebanon, Illinois, McKendree College. (1928)

9). Fox, Henry J. and William B. Hoyt.  Fox and Hoyt's Quadrennial Register of the Methodist Episcopal Church And Universal Church Gazetteer, 1852-6. Hartford: Case, Tiffany & Co. 1852. p. 208.

10) Price, Richard Nye (1903). Holsten Methodism from Its Origin to the Present Time, Vol. IV: From the year 1844 to the year 1870. Nashville, Tenn., Dallas, Tex.: House of the M.E. Church, South. Smith & Lamar Agents (1906).

11) "Letter from Buncombe." The Spirit of the Age (Raleigh, NC). July 28, 1862. p. 3. 

12) "Spartanburg Female College." Charleston Daily News (Charleston,SC). September 18, 1867. p. 4.

13) "Holston Conference." New Era (Greenville,  TN). September 30, 1865. p. 1.

14) "Spartanburg Female College." The Daily Phoenix (Columbia, SC). March 20, 1866. p. 1.

15) "Editorial Summary." Wilmington Daily Dispatch (Wilmington, NC) April 13, 1866. p. 2.

16) "Female College." The Rutherford Star (Rutherfordton, NC). June 27, 1866. p. 3.

16) "Advertisement: Spartanburg Female College." Charleston Daily News [Charleston, SC]. September 18, 1867. p. 4.

17) "Taxes! Taxes!" Spartan (Spartanburg, SC). June 3, 1869. p. 3.

18) "The Removal of Disabilities." The Charleston Daily News (Charleston, SC). July 13, 1870. p. 1.

19) "South Carolina Conference." Edgefield Advertiser (Edgefield, SC). December 25, 1867. pp. 3–4.

20) "Dr. Cummings' Lectures." The Daily Phoenix (Columbia, SC). March 31, 1872. p. 1.

21) "Claflin University." Vermont Christian Messenger [Montpelier, VT]. August 3, 1871. p. 2.

21) "The South Carolina University." Charleston Daily News (Charleston,SC). June 21, 1871. p. 1.

22) "Professor Cummings." Charleston Daily News (Charleston, SC). July 15, 1872. p. 4.

23) "Petty Spite." Edgefield advertiser [Edgefield,  SC], August 8, 1872, p. 2.

24) "The Methodist Conference." The Charleston daily news [SC], January 2, 1872, p. 1.

25) "Professor Cummings." The Charleston daily news. [SC], July 15, 1872, p. 4.

25) The Asheville Weekly Citizen [Asheville, NC]. March 27,  1890.  p. 1.

26) "Minutes of the Annual Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church for the year 1871." New York: Carlton & Lanahan. Cincinnati: Hitchcock & Walden. (1871). p. 10.

27) Eelman, B. W. , Entrepreneurs in the Southern Upcountry: Commercial Culture in Spartanburg, South Carolina, 1845-1880, University of Georgia Press, Athens. (2008).

28) Congressional testimony on KKK violence

29) "The South Carolina Ku Klux." Harrisburg Telegraph [Harrisburg, PA]. September 4, 1871. p. 1. 

30) "Lectures." Boston Evening Transcript [Boston, MA]. February 13, 1872. p. 3.

31) "Dr Cummings Lectures." The Daily Phoenix [Columbia, SC]. March 31, 1872. p. 1.