The professors of the Radical University: Anson Cummings, Part 2

Riverside Seminary (Cummings not pictured)
Images of America: Wellsville

Riverside Seminary
History of Allegany County, N.Y.

In summer 1872, Anson W. Cummings was elected to the chair of mathematics and engineering at the University of South Carolina. He replaced T. E. Hart who had served in the position since 1869. At the same meeting where Cummings was elected, Professor James Woodrow was replaced by T. N. Roberts.

As is described in the entry for Roberts, the exact nature of Woodrow's departure from the university is unclear, and the same is true for Hart. At the time, the Greenville Enterprise simply reported that his position was vacated by the university trustees. However, in a later history of the university, Irwin Green uses stronger language: "[Hart] was removed . . . by the alien Negro government forced upon the state." 

Hart's replacement by Cummings marked a major change at the university. Hart was a native South Carolinian who had graduated from The Citadel. He was among the most talented academics in the state. He had spent the Civil War studying at German universities and wrote a dissertation at Heidelberg in mathematics under the supervision of Otto Hesse. While Cummings had much more experience with teaching (over three decades; Hart had only started teaching in 1866), his academic training was much weaker. He had not earned a single university degree for academic studies; all his degrees were honorary.

Conservatives disapproves of Cummings' election. The Charleston Daily News was especially critical. "Can It Be?" was the headline of one article, which referred to Cummings as the "notorious Dr. Cummings." A lengthier article called him a "clergyman of not particularly good standing" and included a highly negative overview's of Cummings's record in the south. They called attention to the fact that ministers of the Holston Conference found him guilty of defrauding the Female College in Asheville, and it claimed he had been rumored to have engaged in similar misconduct while living in Spartanburg. it mockingly described the misconduct as a "series of ingenious but discreditable experiments with figures of the college account books," activities which demonstrated his "love for the exact sciences." The paper also drew negative attention Cummings' efforts to oppose Ku-Kluxism in Spartanburg County. 

A letter to the editor submitted to the Daily Phoenix newspaper by "Ecce Ecclelesia [Behold the Church]" that called attention to the fact that Cummings was associated with the northern Methodist church, not the southern one. Privately, many white Conservatives appear to have deplored Cummings's election. When they attended the graduation ceremony, both Cummings and Roberts (the other newly elected professor) were "hooted at" three graduating students, an incident celebrated in Conservative newspapers. The incident is described in detail in the entry for Professor Roberts. 

In his history Reconstruction in South Carolina, John S. Reynold provides description of Cummings  likely reflects the opinions held by South Carolina conservatives. Reynolds writes that Cummings owed his professorship to the support he had given the state government in their efforts to fight the Ku Klux Klan in Spartanburg. He dismisses Cummings' qualifications, writing that Cummings was "a man of ordinary intelligence and small scholarship, and was otherwise unfit for a professorship at any reputable college."

Cummings' students at the university appear to have held him in positive regard. In an account of his time at the university, the former student C. C. Scott wrote that, "As an instructor, Prof. Cummings was painstaking, exact, thorough, evidently a born mathematicians, and well earned the sobriquet – 'old mathematics.'"

In 1875, Cummings was elected chair of the faculty (a position similar to that of university president). An article in the Southern Home newspaper derisively described the new position as "President of the [expletive deleted]-ed University of South Carolina" and then mockingly repeated a suggestion by the Columbia Register: when conferring degrees, Cummings should forgo the traditional academic gown and instead wear the "terrible [Ku Klux Klan] costume, horns and all, which he wore when on a lecturing tour North, against the bloody Ku Klux." 

Despite his past support for the Confederacy, Cummings was an enthusiastic supporter of the admission of African American students to the university, and more generally of efforts to educate formerly enslaved workers. In a 1874 article published in the College Courant, he wrote positively about the development of the University of South Carolina under the Reconstruction government:

The enemies of equal political and educational rights for a time hoped that the ruin of the institution would follow [the admission of the African American students]. In this they are not to be gratified. The law class, composed of white and colored students, is now larger than for years before, and the two races of students are now progressing in all departments in greatest harmony. Each regulates his own social relations, but in all other respects the question of color is ignored. . . .

The opening of the State University to colored students, as well as to white, marks an educational era in the State, and is hailed with joy in all portions of the country. Those desiring classical, medical, or legal education can find here all the advantages they desired. It is believed that as soon as these facts are known, students will come from all parts of the South, until our spacious accommodations are all in demand.

He continued to write positively about political developments at the university throughout Reconstruction. In an 1877 article on the university, he summarized the current state of the university as follows:

Its halls are now filled with white and colored students, pursuing their studies in perfect harmony, and with equal success. We are here exemplifying in practice what is regarded as impracticable in theory, and find both races benefited by the experiment. Each is stimulated by the other to the highest exertion

Cummings was one of the last of the Reconstruction faculty to leave the university. After Daniel Chamberlain conceded the governorship to Wade Hampton in April 1877, the newly formed state government began to take steps to shut close the university. A new university board of trustees was elected, and Cummings appeared before them at their first meeting, held on July 30. The trustees informed Cummings that the General Assembly had directed that the university was to be closed on the next day (July 31). Cummings asked that the faculty receive three-fourths of their yearly salary, and the trustees granted his request. By September, Cummings had left South Carolina and returned to New York state.

In New York, Cummings settled in the town of Wellsville and purchased the Riverside Seminary. The seminary had been founded in 1873 as part of a general effort at developing Wellsville. Cummings ran the school as a college preparatory boarding school. The faculty consisting of himself, his wife Isabelle, his son Olin, and one Sue V. Fleming.

The year after he began running the seminary (in 1878), Cummings was awarded an honorary LL.D. degree by Rutherford College in North Carolina.

Cummings remained in Wellsville for the rest of his life. He ran the seminary until around 1881 or 1882 (account vary) when poor health led him to retire. The seminary continued to operate until 1888. That year a fire destroyed several buildings, and rather than rebuild, the seminary was closed.

During his retirement, Cummings published the book The Early Schools of Methodism. This volume collected short histories of schools that had been founded by the Methodist church. Much of the volume consists of solicited contributions from other Methodists, but Cummings himself wrote the histories on Allegheny College, the Gouverneur Wesleyan Seminary, and McKendree College (the last jointly with S. H. Deneen)

In his retirement, Cummings' activities became limited by memory problems and other health issues. In October 1894 (when he was in his late 70s), Cummings was stricken with paralysis. He remained in this condition, suffering greatly, until his death on December 7. He is buried in Woodlawn Cemetery in Wellsville. 

Sources

1. The Greenville enterprise. [Greenville, SC], July 3, 1872, p. 4.

2. "University of South Carolina." The Intelligencer [Anderson, SC]. June 27, 1872. p. 2.

3. "Professor Cummings." Charleston Daily News [Charleston, SC]. July 12, 1872. p. 4.

4.The Southern Home [Charlotte, NC]. October 25, 1875. p. 3.

5. Daily Charlotte Observer [Charlotte, NC]. October 22, 1875. p. 2.

6. "The South Carolina University." Charleston Daily News [Charleston, SC]. June 21, 1872. p. 1. 

7. "Can It Be?" Charleston Daily News, June 24, 1872. p. 1.

8. "The State University." Charleston Daily News, June 28, 1872. p. 2.

The students of the Radical University: Anthony B. Summersill

Anthony Benjamin Summersill (b. 1858; October 10, 1935)

South Carolina.  Black.  
Occupation: farmer, teacher.
Father's occupation: farmer laborer.

Mother's occupation: farm laborer.

Anthony was born in South Carolina to Anthony (or Toney) and Patience Summersill. It is unknown whether the parents were enslaved or free persons of color. During Reconstruction, they lived in Christ Church parish in Charleston county and worked as farmer laborers. 

Anthony attended the Avery Normal School in Charleston. He was in the same class as William D. Crum and Robert L. Smith. He graduated from the Avery in 1875 and then enrolled at the University of South Carolina. The 1876 university catalogue describes him as a freshman student from Charleston following the modern studies track. The university closed before he completed his degree.

After the closure of the university, Anthony returned to his family in Christ Church parish and worked as a school teacher. He was involved in the 1878 election, the first election held after the end of Reconstruction. On election day, he went to the polling station for Mt. Pleasant and distributed Republican ballots to voters. (Typically, voters would vote by submitting ballots provided by the political parties.) 

The election resulted in an overwhelming victory for the Democratic party. In Mt. Pleasant, the Democatic candidate for U.S. Congress, Michael P. O'Connor, received 473 votes against the 147 votes received by the Republican candidate, Edmund W. M. Mackey. However, Mackey contested the outcome, alleging that Democrats had engaged in voter fraud. For example, at Mt. Pleasant, when the election managers counted ballots after the election, they found 1,163 ballots even through only 620 men had voted. The election mangers, who were both Democrats, proceeded to select and destroy ballots until the ballot count matched the number of voters. Under federal law, election managers were suppose to select the ballots at random, but Republicans alleged that they intentionally tried to select Republican ballots. Ultimately, Congress upheld the reported election outcome.

Anthony remained in Christ Church parish, although there are few records of his activities. In 1884, he served as Mt. Pleasant's postmaster, and by 1910, he was working as a farmer. He continued to farm until his death in 1935. He is buried in Ocean Grove Cemetery in Mount Pleasant, SC.

Sources Cited
1). Year: 1880; Census Place: Christ Church, Charleston, South Carolina; Roll: 1223; Page: 4D; Enumeration District: 078

2) 1930; Census Place: Christ Church, Charleston, South Carolina; Page: 13B; Enumeration District: 0046; FHL microfilm: 2341924

3) South Carolina Department of Archives and History; Columbia, South Carolina; South Carolina Death Records; Year Range: 1925-1949; Death County or Certificate Range: Charleston. Certificate Number: 014735. Volume Number: 28

4) 1910; Census Place: Christ Church, Charleston, South Carolina; Roll: T624_1453; Page: 28A; Enumeration District: 0066; FHL microfilm: 1375466

5) 2). United States, Congress, House. E. W. M. Mackey vs. M. P. O'Connor: Papers in the Case of Mackey vs. O'Connor, Second Congressional District of South Carolina. Government Printing Office, 1880. 46th Congress, 2nd session, Mis. Doc. No. 40., Part 1. pp. 681-684. 

6)  McIver, Petrona Royall. History of Mount Pleasant, South Carolina. Ashley Print. & Publishing Company (196). p. 86.

The students of the Radical University: Earl Craig

Earl Barton Craig (b. Abt. 1853)
South Carolina.  Black/Mulatto.  
Occupation: farm laborer
Father's occupation: farmer

Earl was born in South Carolina to Thomas (or Tom) and Anna (or Annie) Craig.  Earl grew up in Pickens County, in the upstate. The father owned a farm, an unusual achievement for African-American at the time. In 1870, the family owned 70 acres of land on which they raised livestock (swine and a milch cow) and grew corn and a small amount of sweet potatoes.

Earl first appears in university records in the 1876 University of South Carolina catalogue.  He described as a freshman from Keowee following the modern studies track.  This university closed before he completed his degree. After the university closure, he returned to farm with his parents.

Sources Cited
1). 1880; Census Place: Hurricane, Pickens, South Carolina; Roll: 1238; Page: 82B

2). 1870; Census Place: Easley, Pickens, South Carolina; Roll: M593_1506; Page: 394A

3)  Census Year: 1880; Census Place: Dacusville, Pickens, South Carolina; Archive Collection Number: AD275; Roll: 14; Page: 20; Line: 5; Schedule Type: Agriculture

4)  Census Year: 1870; Census Place: Easley, Pickens, South Carolina; Archive Collection Number: AD266; Roll: 6; Page: 3; Line: 23; Schedule Type: Agriculture

The students of the Radical University: Benjamin Simmons

Benjamin Simmons Jr. (b. Abt. 1853)
South Carolina.  Black.
Occupation: legislator.

Benjamin Simmons was born in Beaufort, South Carolina to unknown parents. He first appears in the historical record as a student at Howard University during the 1869-1870 academic year (when Simmons was about 17 years old). He was student in the Model School. The Model School offer coursework that prepared students for the college preparatory classes. Simmons left Howard after his first year.

By 1874, Simmons had returned to South Carolina. On November 28, he registered as a student at the University of South Carolina. He was a scholarship student and entered into the sub freshman (or college preparatory) class. He had left the university by January 1876.

Simmons was active in politics. He represented Beaufort County in the state House of Representatives from 1875-76, 1878-80.  After his first term in the House (in January 1877), he was appointed trial justice for Bluffton in Beaufort County, South Carolina.  However, he was appointed by Daniel H. Chamberlain, and while Chamberlain claimed to have been elected as governor in December 1876, this was disputed by his Democratic opponent.  Consequently some questioned Simmons's authority.  For example, in February 1877, Simmons issued a warrant for a man's arrest.  The man refused to acknowledge Simmons' authority, and the arresting constable had to form a ten-man posse to take him into custody.

Simmons was assaulted in Blufton in 1877. In August, newspapers reported that Simmons had been madly cut in a "melee" with boy (Manning Fields). Simmons was cut three times, and his wounds were considered "dangerous" but not fatal. His attacker was arrested but within a week had escaped to Savannah, Georgia. 

There is no record of Simmons's activities after his term of office ended in 1880.

Sources
1). 1870; Census Place: East of Seventh Street, Washington, District of Columbia; Roll: M593_127; Page: 664B.

2). 1880; Census Place: Bluffton, Beaufort, South Carolina; Roll: 1221; Page: 115C

3). Foner, Eric.  Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory of Black Officeholders during Reconstruction.  Oxford University Press, New York.  1993.

4). "Local Items". The Beaufort Tribune and Port Royal Commercial.  August 2, 1877.  p. 3.

5). "Local Items". The Beaufort Tribune and Port Royal Commercial.  February 15, 1877.  p. 3.

5). "Local Items". The Beaufort Tribune and Port Royal Commercial.  January 18, 1877.  p. 3.

6). "County Convention." Port Royal standard and commercial, April 6, 1876, p. 2

The students of the Radical University: Green D. Williams

Green D. Williams
From A Historical, Biographical and Statistical Souvenir: Howard University Medical Department

Green Dawson Williams (b. 1848; d. February 8, 1917)
Massachusetts/North Carolina/South Carolina?  Black. 
Occupation: clerk, physician.

Little is known about the early life of Green D. Williams, and the available records are contradictory.  His father is listed as being born in New Hampshire in the 1900 U.S. Census and in North Carolina in the 1910 U.S. Census. Similarly, his mother is listed as being born in Virginia in the 1900 U.S. Census and in North Carolina in the 1910 U.S. Census.

Details about Green's own birthplace are also contradictory.  His birthplace is listed as South Carolina in the 1900 U.S. Census, as North Carolina in the 1910 U.S. Census, and as Boston, Massachusetts in a short biography published by Howard University.  

Williams first appears in the historical record in 1872 (when he was 24 years old). At that time, he was living in Anderson Court House (now the town of Anderson), the seat of Anderson County, South Carolina. Anderson County is the upstate and borders the state of Georgia. Like much of the region, the county was majority White, although by a small margin (about 56% of 16,407 residents were White and 44% or 12,720 were African-American).

The county was one of the first places in South Carolina to experience Ku Klux violence. Ku Kluxers threatened Republicans in the area during the run-up to the 1868 presidential election. Representative of Ku Klux activities was the experience of E. I. Pinson, a White silversmith living in the town of Williamston who was active in the Republican party. The night before the election he found a pasteboard coffin on his doorstep. Appended to it was a Republican voting ticket and the message "K. K. K. is about." He also reported bands of disguised men riding around and firing off guns in a threatening manner. In parts of the county, Ku Kluxers followed through on their threats by whipping or beating Republicans. The prominent Republican politician B. F. Randolph was shot to death in neighboring Abbeville county while traveling to Anderson by train.

The 1868 election was an important one because it was the first held after African-Americans were granted the right to vote. Within Anderson County, Democrats carried the election and largely remained in power throughout Reconstruction. Political violence within the county, especially violence by Ku Kluxers, largely died down after the election.

During his time in Anderson, Williams was active in the Republican Party. He was among the speakers at that year's county Republican Convention. The year was an election year, and Williams spoke about the political issues that he felt were important. He condemned the political corruption and extravagant spending by the administration of Republican governor Robert K. Scott. He called on African-American voters to elect honest Republicans in order to stop these practices. Williams's speech appears to have been well-received as he was elected as a delegate to the Congressional Convention and as an alternative delegate to the State Convention. On Election Day, he served as one of the three Election Managers for the Williamston Precinct.

The 1872 election saw Franklin J. Moses Jr elected to the governorship. In spring 1873, Moses removed the Anderson county auditor (Thomas J. Webb) and appointed Williams in his place. The Conservative newspaper, Anderson Intelligencer, reported that Webb was a "old-time" Republican who had discharged the duties of office "with credit to himself and satisfaction to the community." The newspaper attributed his removal to his political views. In the election, Webb had supported Liberal Republican Horace Greeley for president and Moses's opponent Reuben Tomlinson for governor. Of Williams, the newspaper reported that he was "of fair intelligence" and "good character" but his "education and abilities are scarcely equal to the important duties now devolving upon him." 

By fall, Williams began working as a teacher in addition to his duties as county auditor. He may have taught at the Greeley Institute, a newly formed private school for African-Americans. By the late 1870s, Williams was serving as principal of the institute. 

Williams' call for state Republicans to help end political corruption went unmet. Political corruption reached historic proportions during Moses's administration. During the next election, held two years later, Williams again spoke about the need to fight political corruption. For example at a 1874 Fourth of July celebration held in front of the county courthouse, Williams called on African-American voters to oppose political corruption by electing "good, honest men." He denounced the current political leaders in Columbia and warned African-Americans that they would lose the right of the ballot unless they united and put down corruption. Williams reiterated his views on the need to stop political corruption at the September 1874 county Republican Convention.  Ultimately, the gubernatorial election saw Daniel H. Chamberlain, the regular Republican candidate, defeat the "Independent" Republican John Green. Williams does not seem to have publicly endorsed a candidate, but he likely supported Chamberlain as Green's support drew from Democrats and more conservative Republicans.

During the summer before the election (on April 1, 1874), Williams enrolled as a student at the University of South Carolina. He was awarded a scholarship, and state legislator John R. Cochran singled Williams out for praise for this accomplishment in an October speech he gave on political developments within the state. The university closed before Williams completed his degree.

It is unclear when exactly when Williams left the University of South Carolina. However, it appears that he had left by fall 1876 because, around that time, he resumed his engagement in Anderson county politics. By September, he was appointed as county Commissioner of Election by Governor Chamberlain. (The other two commissioners were  John R. Cochran, a White Republican leader, and James A. Hoyt, the chairman for the county Democrats.) 

Williams was also made Chairman of the county Republican Party. His chairmanship provoked controversy with local Democrats. Williams replaced Cochran who had held long held the position but declined it in fall. The Anderson Intelligencer was especially critical of Williams' appointment. The newspaper reported that, shortly after he assumed the position, reports began circulating among local African-Americans that acts of political violence and intimidation were being committed. The newspapers described these reports as falsehoods that were being spread to help Republicans in the upcoming election. The newspaper blamed Williams for the state of affairs, stating that Cochran had been able to prevent such issues and Williams could do the same if he chose.

In general, Williams took over the party chairmanship during a very difficult time. For the first time since African-American had been granted the right to vote, Democrats were mounting a serious electoral challenge. Beginning with the Hamburg Massacre in July, White Democrats began carrying out acts of political violence against African Americans.

No serious acts of violence appear to have broken out in Anderson county. However, public disputes did break out between Williams and Democratic leaders. That October Williams was planning to host a Republican rally at which several candidates were to speak. His Democratic counterpart (Hoyt) asked if the event could be organized as a joint discussion with Democratic candidates. Initially, Williams was receptive to the proposal, but ultimately, he was told by the state Executive Committee not to allow such a discussion. The Anderson Intelligencer was highly critical of this decision and published the correspondence with Williams under the title "Who Lies!" Williams asked to publish an article explaining his views on the matter, but the newspaper rejected it, claiming it contained "offensive remarks."

The concerns about the joint discussion were not groundless. Upon hearing that a Republican candidate was planning on giving a public speech, Democratic leaders often asked for a joint discussion and, if the request was granted, used this as an opportunity to harass their political opponents. For example, when Republican governor Chamberlain spoke in Edgefield, Democrats were allowed to participate in a joint discussion. At the event, the Democratic speakers included Democratic leader Martin W. Gary, and his speech consisted of personal attacks on Governor Chamberlain involving "as opprobrious language . . . as he could find in which to express himself." The crowd attending the speeches included a large number of Democratic supporters who displayed firearms and interrupted Republican speakers by shouting insults. 

It is unclear how the political speeches that Williams helped organized were received, but the Anderson Intelligencer expressed hope that Democrats would disrupt them: "We hope all the mounted clubs in the County will be present, for we will have distinguished speakers from a distance to meet Republicans, and if they will not divide time we can be present and hear their campaign lies in order to refute them."  

Ultimately, county Democrats won the election by a large margin. The Democratic gubernatorial candidate, Wade Hampton, received almost four-times as many votes as his Republican opponent (4,155 votes to 1,124). Statewide, the electoral outcome was very close, and both parties claimed that their gubernatorial candidate won. The election outcome was disputed for four months, until April 11 when Chamberlain conceded the election. Chamberlain's defeat marked the end of the state Republican Party as an effective political force for generations. 

It is unclear how Williams's responded to outcome of the 1876 election. However, by the next election, held in fall 1878, he expressed support for Wade Hampton. At the county Republican convention, he endorsed Hampton's campaign and advised African-American votes to cast votes for him. In lengthy speech, he said that Hampton had fulfilled his campaign promises to respect the rights of African-Americans and would continue to do so if reelected.

Williams ran for political office in 1878. He received one of the Republican nominations for the position of warden for the town of Anderson. On Election Day, he and all the other Republican candidates were soundly defeated. Each Democratic candidate received over 200 votes, more than twice as many votes as the most successful Republican.

By 1880, Williams had moved to Washington D.C. He attended the Medical College at Howard University from 1880 to 1883 and graduated with an M.D.  He spent most of his adult lift living in Washington D.C. and working as a government clerk for the Treasury Department and as a physician. 

Williams seems to have formed a close friendship with fellow former U of SC student Paul J. Mishow. Census records document Mishow sharing a residence with the Williams family in D.C. Mishow followed a similar path to Williams's. He also moved to Washington after Reconstruction and found work as a physician and government clerk.

In June 1895, Williams attended a public speech given by his former classmate George W. Murray, then a congressman from South Carolina. Murray spoke at the Metropolitan Baptist Church, a predominately African-American church. His speech focused on negro suffrage, and he denounced voter registration laws. These were major issues in South Carolina. The previous year, Democrats led by Governor Ben Tillman had won a referendum  to hold convention to revise the state constitution. They openly sought to revise the constitution for the purpose of disenfranchising African-American votes. The convention was held three months after Murray's speech, and Democrats achieved their goal of revising the state constitution so as to render African-Americans politically powerless.

Despite Williams' presence at Murray's speech, he appears to have largely left political life after moving to  Washington. 

Williams died on February 8, 1917. The cause of death was not reported. 

Sources:

1). 1900; Census Place: Washington, Washington, District of Columbia; Page: 21; Enumeration District: 0050; FHL microfilm: 1240160

2). 1910; Census Place: Precinct 8, Washington, District of Columbia; Roll: T624_153; Page: 3A; Enumeration District: 0147.

3). 1920; Census Place: Washington, Washington, District of Columbia; Roll: T625_210; Page: 4A; Enumeration District: 187.

4). Lamb, Daniel Smith.  A Historical, Biographical and Statistical Souvenir: Howard University Medical Department.  Washington D.C.  R. Beresford.  1900.

5). Hilyer, Andrew F.  Colored Washington: Efforts For Social Betterment. Washington D.C. 1901.

6). Washington, District of Columbia, City Directory, 1914

8). "The Radical County Convention."  The Anderson Intelligencer, August 22, 1872, p. 2.

9) "Protracted Radical Meeting." The Anderson Intelligencer, September 12, 1872, p. 2.

9) "Radical Nominating Convention." The Anderson Intelligencer, October 10, 1872, p. 2.

9) "Election Notice." The Anderson Intelligencer, October 24, 1872, p. 3.

9) "Removal of the County Auditor." The Anderson Intelligencer, February 20, 1873, p. 3.

9). The Fairfield herald [SC], March 5, 1873, p. 3.

10) The Anderson intelligencer [SC], September 18, 1873, p. 2.

11) "Fourth of July in Anderson." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], July 9, 1874, p. 2.

11) "Republican County Convention." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], September 10, 1874, p. 2.

11) "To the Citizens of Anderson County." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], October 29, 1874, p. 5.

12) "Seeking Mischief." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], October 19, 1876, p. 3.

12) The Anderson intelligencer [SC], September 21, 1876, p. 3.

13) "Republican Duplicity." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], October 19, 1876, p. 2.

14) The Anderson intelligencer [SC], October 26, 1876, p. 4.

14) "The San Domingo Meeting." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], February 1, 1877. p. 3.

14) "To the Colored People of Anderson County." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], March 14, 1878. p. 3.

15) "Come One, Come All!!" The Anderson intelligencer [SC], June 20, 1878, p.  3.

16) "A Card." The Anderson intelligencer [volume], July 4, 1878, p. 4.

17) "Public Examinations at the Greeley Institute." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], July 11, 1878, p. 3.

17) "The Radical County Convention." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], August 8, 1878, p. 3.

17) "The Municipal Election." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], August 15, 1878, p. 3.

18) "The Radical's Last Kick." The Anderson intelligencer. [SC], September 26, 1878, p. 3.

19) "The Radical County Convention." The Anderson intelligencer [SC], April 29, 1880, p. 3.

20) "Appointments in Treasury Department" The Evening critic. [volume], July 1, 1881, p. 1.

21) "His People Defrauded." The Washington Times [DC], June 19, 1895. p. 8.

21) "Deaths." The Washington times. [volume], February 12, 1917, COMPLETE AFTERNOON EDITION, Page 11, Image 11

7). "Death Record."  The Washington Herald, February 11, 1917, p. 16.

23) Evidence Taken by the Committee of Investigation of the Third Congressional District

W. E. B. DuBois comes to South Carolina

W. E. B. Du Bois in 1947
From Wikipedia

On February 11, 1957, W. E. B. Du Bois delivered a speech titled "The American Negro and the Darker World" at Benedict College in Columbia, SC. Du Bois had been invited to speak in early January by Allen University professor Edwin D. Hoffman. Du Bois spoke as the university's guest speaker for Negro History Week (a precursor to Black History Month). The talk was jointly sponsored by Allen and Benedict.

Du Bois's talk was announced in The State newspaper. The announcement was only two paragraphs long, but his arrival was certainly a major event. Columbia, South Carolina rarely hosted visitors of his stature.  At the time, Du Bois was almost ninety years old and a distinguished, internationally renown intellectual and civil rights activist.

Du Bois had long been active in international politics as he connected American anti-Black racism to colonialism and global capitalism. During the late 1940s and 1950s, he began to express sympathy for socialism because it offered a political alternative.

As American concerns over socialism rose and tensions with the Soviet Union grew, Du Bois became a political target. In 1951, the Justice Department alleged that an anti-war organization that Du Bois was involved in (the Peace Information Center) was acting as an agent for the Soviet Union. This required the organization to register with the federal government, but Du Bois and others refused, claiming that the allegations were false. Because of his refusal, Du Bois was indicted, but the legal case was dismissed the next year. By the time of his visit to Columbia, the controversy surrounding him died down. In its announcement of his talk, The State described him simply as an "American Negro sociologist and author." No indication was given that he might be a source of political controversy, although certainly Du Bois's views were regarded as outside the pale by many White South Carolinians.

Bacoats Hall
From Benedict College 1970 Benedictus yearbook

Du Bois spoke in the evening at Bacoats Hall on the Benedict campus. The event began with the singing of The Battle Hymn of the Republic and concluded with the singing of Life Ev'ry Voice and Sing. Both songs had major political significance. Life Ev'ry Voice and Sing was (and is) regarded as the Black national anthem, and singing it was an act of rebuke of South Carolina's segregationist culture. The song Battle Hymn of the Republic was even more politically provocative. The song was written by the abolitionist Julia Ward Howe and served as an informal anthem for the Union army during the Civil War. The lyrics included a direct call for the emancipation of slaves: "let [us] die to make men free." 

Reflecting the emphasis on religion at the school, Du Bois's speech was preceded by a prayer delivered by Wallace E. Crumlin, an Allen faculty member who taught religious education. Du Bois was introduced by Benedict president J. A. Bacoats.

Allen faculty member Wallace E. Crumlin
Allen University 1957 Yellow Jacket

Benedict president J. A. Bacoats
Benedict College 1970 Benedictus

The text below is based on a draft held at the Special Collections and University Archives at University of Massachusetts Amherst. The text likely differs from the speech Du Bois delivered at Benedict. The draft is for a version of the speech he gave to the National Committee to Defend Negro Leadership, and it is dated April 30, 1957, a few months after his visit to Columbia. 

In his speech, Du Bois draws on two themes. First, he embeds the historical mistreatment of African-Americans into the broader history of the exploitation of labor, especially colonial labor, by capital. For example, he argues that capital responded to the emancipation of slaves in America by increasing its efforts to extract wealth from Asia and to extract labor from the working classes of the West through use of factory work. Second, he argues that African-Americans were becoming increasingly estranged from "the colored people of the world." While many people in African were organizing against imperialism and promoting the development of socialism, African-Americans are largely trying to assimilate into American culture and regarded socialism as harmful political philosophy that ran counter to American values. Despite the material advantages that they enjoy, Du Bois argued that African-Americans have a much more limited understand of their political situation than the people of African nations. He concluded by calling upon his audience to educate themselves about socialism.

In his autobiography Liberalism Is Not Enough, Benedict professor Horace B. Davis wrote about how Du Bois's speech was received. He wrote that the students at Benedict and Allen were mostly "conventionally patriotic" and saw no connection between American capitalism and their own political oppression. Du Bois's speech had an impact on them. The students paid close attention and, after the talk, many began to learn more about socialism for themselves.

While its highly unlikely that they attended the talk, White politicians in South Carolina would have been outraged to hear that Du Bois had encouraged students at Benedict and Allen to learn about socialism and act in solidarity with the people of India, China, and Africa. However, the speech appears to have gone unnoticed. When the governor began publicly attacking the schools a year later, he made no mention of Du Bois's visit. Du Bois's visit also not mentioned in Forrest Wiggins's FBI file, although Wiggins and the other professors were under close scrutiny around this time. 

From the fifteenth through the seventeenth centuries the Africans imported to America regarded themselves as temporary settlers destined to return eventually to Africa. Their increasing revolts against the slave system, which culminated in the eighteenth century, left a feeling for close kinship to the motherland and even well into the nineteenth century they called their organizations "African," as witness the "African Unions" of New York and Newport, and the African church of Philadelphia. In the West Indies and South America, there was even closer indication of feelings of kinship with Africa and the East. 

The early excuse for American slavery on the part of planters was conversion to Christianity; but as slavery became the basis of great income in the sugar empire and the cotton kingdom, and as plans were laid for its expansion, the slaves in the United States sought freedom by escape to the north and joined with the abolitionists to fight for emancipation. The whites as well as many blacks now reverted to the first excuse for slavery, namely conversion of Africa to Christianity; and many plans arose for repatriation of negroes to Africa. The American Colonization Society was the best known, but soon earned the distrust of negroes when it became a method of getting rid of free negroes so as to fasten the chains closer on slaves.

When, later in the nineteenth century, the plight of the slave worsened, there arose again among American negroes plans for migration not only to Africa but to Haiti and South America. Civil War and Emancipation intervened and American negroes looked forward to becoming free and equal citizens here with no thought of returning to African or of kinship with the world's darker peoples. However, the rise of the negro was hindered by disfranchisement, lynching, and caste legislation. There was some recurrence of the "Black to Africa" idea and increased sympathy for darker folk who suffered the same sort of caste restrictions as American negroes.

But this brought curious dichotomy. In our effort to be recognized as Americans, we negroes naturally strove to think American and adopt American folkways. We began to despise all yellow, brown, and black peoples. We especially withdrew from all remembrance of kinship with Africa and denied with the white world that African ever had a history of indigenous culture. We did not want to be called "Africans" or negroes and especially not "negresses." We tried to invent new names for our group. We began to call yellow people "chinks" and "coolies" and dark whites "dagoes." This was natural under our peculiar situation, but it made us more easily neglect or lose sight of the peculiar change in the world which was linking us with the colored peoples of the world not simply because of the essentially unimportant fact of skin color, but because of the immensely important fact of economic condition.

In the latter part of the eighteenth century, Europe had begun to expand its trade and to important raw materials to be transformed into consumer goods. Machines and methods for manufacture of foods increased tremendously. When the revolt of slaves, especially in Haiti, and the moral revolt in England and America, led to the emancipation of slaves, the merchants who had invested in the slave labor began to change the form of their investment; they seized colonies in Asia and Africa and instead of exporting native labor, used the land and labor on the spot and exported the raw materials to Europe for consumption  or further manufacture. Immense amounts of wealth for capital were seized for Europeans in India and China, in South America and elsewhere; and thus colonial imperialism arose to dominate the world. Most of the exploited people were colored – yellow, brown, and black. A scientific theory arose and was widely accepted which taught that the white people were superior to the colored and had a right to rule the world and use all land and labor for the benefit and comfort of Europeans. While the emancipation of slaves in America involved great losses for Europeans investors, the simultaneous seizure of wealth in Asia and the new control of colonial labor enabled new rich employers in Europe and North America to accumulate vast sums of capital in private hands and to start the factory system. This method of conducting industry used new inventions and sources of power so as to drive laborers off the land, herd them into factories and reduce them to semi-slavery in Europe by a wage contract.

This brought the labor movement. In the more advanced European countries labor and its friends fought for more political power, public school education, higher wages and better conditions. These things they gradually secured by union organization and strikes. On the other hand, in Eastern Europe there was little education and wages remained very low. Political power rested in the hands of an aristocracy which became rich through encouraging and protecting western investment. This semi-colonial status of labor was even worse in South and Central America and in the West Indies, while in most of Asia and in Africa the condition of colonial labor approached slavery.

Thereupon arose the doctrine of socialism which demanded that the results of the manufacture of goods and the giving of services go to the labor involved and not mainly to the capitalists. This doctrine was in essence as old as human labor. Primitive labor got all the results of what it did or made. Many early societies like the first Christians and tribes in Africa lived in communal groups, sharing all results of work in common. Slavery intervened so that some workers were owned by others; then came aristocracy where a few took the results of the work of the many and the nation became the abode of a rich, idle and privileged class who were served by the mass of laborers. Protest against this and the doctrine that income should in some degree become the measure of effort became an increasing demand from the ancient world through the medieval world and was studied and scientifically stated by Karl Marx in the first half of the nineteenth century. He proposed that capital belong to the state and that workers run the state. Capitalists vehemently opposed this and partially met the demands of labor by raising wages. In the capitalist nations this raise was more than met by increased profits due to exploitation in colonial and semi-colonial lands. Also the spread of democratic control was counterbalanced by hiring White labor to war on colonial labor, and using public taxation for war rather than social progress.

From the defeat of Napoleon in 1815 to the First World War there was continuous struggle led by White troops armed with the most ingenious weapons to keep colonial peoples from revolt, and most of the other peoples of the world in subjection to Western Europe.

This was the situation at the beginning of the twentieth century. British, French, and American capitalists owned the colonies, with the richest natural resources and the best controlled and lowest paid labor. By 1900, they were reaching out for other colonies elsewhere: other nations with fewer or no colonies, led by Germany, demanded a reallotment of colonial wealth. This brought the First World War. 

But it brought more than this: the assault of Germany and her allies was so fierce that Britain and France had to ask help from their colored colonies. They needed black manpower and without it France would have been overthrown by Germany in the first few months of war. Britain needed food and materials from Asia, Africa, and the West Indies. The United States needed American negroes who formed an inner labor colony as laborers and stevedores. This meant an increase of wages and rights for colonial peoples. In the United States it brought the first recognition since 1876 of the equal citizenship of negroes. 

The workers of Eastern, Central and South America were not as badly off as the African serfs and Chinese and Indian coolies but they were sunk in poverty, disease, and ignorance. They were oppressed by their own rich classes, working hand in glove with White Western investors. When war came they starved and died. The situation became so desperate that Russians and Hungarians refused to fight. Their rulers sought compromise by trying to replace imperial rule with Western European democracy. But the Russian leaders, students of Karl Marx and led by Lenin, demanded a socialist state.

The Western world united to forestall this experiment. It said first that no socialist state could succeed, but lest it should and lower the profits of capitalists, the effort must be stopped by force of arms. Sixteen capitalists nations, including Britain, France, Germany, the United States, and Japan, invaded Russia and fought for ten years by means civilized and uncivilized, to overthrow the plans of the Soviet Union. However, the world-wide collapse of capitalism in 1930, made this attack fail and the world witnessed the founding of the first socialist state.

Then came a new and even more unexpected diversion. The Depression, which was the collapse of capitalism, was so bad in Germany, Spain, and Italy that those states fell into the hands of two dictators, Hitler and Mussolini. Backed by capitalists, they seized power and demanded control not only of the colonial world then dominated by Britain, France, and North America, but the domination of the whole world. The west tried to compromise and offered practically everything they demanded, but Hitler's greed and German ambition grew by what they fed upon. They were so convinced of their superior power over the West that Hitler started a Second World War, like the first aimed at control by a part of the White race over the resources, land, and labor of the rest of the world. He began a wild career. He killed six million Jews, accusing them of being the main cause of the Depression and of being an inferior race. He conquered France and chased the British off the continent. They huddled on their own small island to make a last stand, but here Hitler paused. He had a new vision. If instead of wasting his power on a desperate England he turned East and seized the semi-colonial lands of the Soviet Union and Balkan states, then from this central heartland he could seize Asia and Africa and after that turn back to deliver the coup de grace to Britain and America. Hitler thereupon scrapped his treaty with the Soviets which they, spurned by the West, had been forced to accept, and to the relief of Britain and the United States, Hitler turned to conquer Russia. Englishmen and Americans said with Truman, "Let them kill as many of each other as possible." So, although Hitler's rear was exposed, the Western powers held off attack for a year and when they did attack went to the defense of their African colonies and not to aid the Soviet Union. The West was sure that the Soviets would fall in six weeks and thus perhaps rid the world of socialism and Nazis at one stroke.

The result was astonishing. The Soviet Union almost unaided conquered Hitler, saved the Baltic states and the Balkans at a cost of nine million killed and wounded and the distruction [sic destruction] of much they had toiled for since 1917. Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin faced a world in which the Soviet Union, Britain, France, and the United States must go forward toward a world in which socialism would grow, not perhaps as complete communistic states like the Soviet Union, but in states like the United States and England where social progress under the New Deal and the Labor government would advance together along paths leading to the same ultimate goal.

This co-operation American Business repudiated when it invented the Atom bomb. After Roosevelt died, our capitalists determined to drive communism from the world and push socialism back. This crusade failed. India became independent and adopted modified socialism; China conquered the stool-pigeons whom we paid to stop her revolution and became the greatest communist state in the world. The Soviet Union, instead of failing as we predicted, became one of the foremost nations of the Earth, with the best educational system and freedom from church domination second only to this nation in industry. Also the Soviet Union took a legal stand against the color line and stood ready to oppose colonialism. We tried to re-conquer China during the war in Korea and to help France retain Indo-China, but again failed. Meantime we formed the greatest military machine on earth and spent and are still spending more money preparing for war than any other nation on earth at any time has spent.

The excuse for our action is that communism is a criminal conspiracy of evil-minded men and that private capitalism is so superior to socialism that we should use every effort to stop its advance. Here we rest today and to sharpen our aim and coordinate our strength, we starve our schools, lessen social services in medicine and housing, curtail our freedom of speech, limit our pursuit of learning, and are no longer free to think or discuss.

Where now does that leave American negroes? We cannot teach the peoples of Africa or Asia because so many of them are either communistic or progressing towards socialism, while we do not know what socialism is and we can study it only with difficulty or danger. After the First World War we negroes were in advance of many colored peoples. We started in two ways to lead the Africans. In the West Indies Garvey tried to have negroes share in western exploitation of Africa. White industry stopped him before he could begin. In the United States negro churches carried on missionary efforts and a few negroes in 1918 tried to get in touch with Africa so as to share thoughts and plans. Four Pan-African congresses were held in 1919, 1921, 1923, and 1925, which American, African, and West Indian negroes attended, and a few persons from Asia and South America. They made a series of general demands for political rights and education. The movement met much opposition. However, it encouraged similar congresses which still exist in all parts of Africa, and it was the inspiration back [sic?] of Mandates Commission of the League of Nations and the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations. After a lapse of twenty years, a fifth Pan-African congress was held in England in 1945. It was attended by negro labor leaders from all parts of Africa and from the West Indies and one from the United States. Especially prominent were the delegates from Kenya and Ghana, the first independent Black dominion of the British Commonwealth. The resolutions adopted here had a clear socialist trend, and further Pan-African congresses were envisioned to be held in Africa. 

Whither now do we go? We American negroes can no longer lead the colored people of the world because they far better than we understand what is happening in the world today. But we can try to catch with them. We can learn about China and India and the new ferment in East, West, and South Africa. We can realize by reading, if not in classroom, how socialism is expanding over the modern world and penetrating the colored world. So far as Africa is concerned we can realize that socialism is part of their past history and will without a shade of doubt play a large part in their future.

Here in our country, we can think, work and vote for the welfare state openly and frankly, for social medicine, publicly supported housing, state ownership of public power and public facilities: curbing the power of private capital and great monopolies and stand ready to meet and cooperate with world socialism as it grows among White and Black.

Citation: Du Bois, W. E. B. (William Edward Burghardt), 1868-1963. The American Negro and the darker world, April 30, 1957. W. E. B. Du Bois Papers (MS 312). Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries 

Cross burning at Benedict College

Entrance to Benedict College, where the cross burning incident occurred
Russell Maxey Photograph Collection

The political attacks on faculty at Allen University and Benedict College began in spring 1957. The semester before that Benedict was subject to a racial incident that made the regional news. Late on the night of August 30, 1956, a group of six White teenagers drove to the entrance of the college and burned an eight-foot tall cross. This act would have been understood by everyone to have been an act of racial intimidation as cross burnings were a practice associated with the Ku Klux Klan.

The cross-burning was observed by five witnesses, one of whom recorded the license number of the automobile the teenagers were driving. The day after the incident police arrested six people connected to the car. The teenagers were released later that day under a $500 bond.

The teenagers had been arrested under a 1951 state anti-Klan law that forbid the burning of crosses or wearing of masks in public. The law carried a maximal penalty of a $500 fine and six months in jail. The law had been proposed by governor Byrnes a few years before the Brown v. Board of Education court decision. This was a time when South Carolina politicians were promoting moderation and improved treatment of African Americans as a way to deflect national criticism of segregation. The anti-Klan law was part of these efforts as it was intended to legitimize the state government by demonstrating a commitment to the rule of law. 

Legal proceedings against the teenagers dragged out for half a year. While everyone had been released on bond, the teenagers would have been under considerable public pressure. The State newspaper published the names and addresses of four of them (withholding the names of two who were under the age of eighteen). However, in the end, the teenagers got off lightly. The case was sent to Judge William H. Grimball in the Richland County General Sessions Court. The boys pleaded "nolo contendere" (accepting conviction without admitting guilt) to the charges after their lawyer argued that they did not know that cross burning was illegal. The teenagers promised they would not repeat the act, and the judge dismissed the case.

South Carolina Governor Byrnes after signing the anti-cross burning bill into law
The State newspaper, April 11, 1951, p. 8

The teenagers who were arrested were Lewis W. Branham, John R. Freeman, Jerry (or Cecil J.) Finley, Robert J. Sharpe, Heyward F. Holton, and Warren E. Johnson. Everyone except possibly Warren had been a student at the University High School, a White school that operated on the University of South Carolina campus until the 1960s. At the time of their arrest, several were upperclassmen at UHS, while others were recent graduates. In particular, John Freeman had graduated and was about to leave the city to attend Georgia Tech.

None of the teenagers appear to have been anything like a juvenile delinquent. To the contrary, they appear to have been popular and successful high school students. For example, Louis Branham was voted "friendliest" during his senior year, and Robert Sharpe was voted "best personality." The backgrounds of the teenagers were mixed. Jerry Finley and Robert J. Sharpe appear to have had working class parents. Jerry's father was a pipe fitter, and Robert's was a welder. Others were from prominent families. John Freeman's father was the president of the Palmetto Battery & Electrical Company.

For the teenagers, their arrests seem to have had limited long-term impact. For example, Heyward Holton went on to attend Columbia Commercial College and then worked for city government (via the Board of Assessment Control). When he was married in 1959, The State published a long superlative article on his wedding. Most successful of the six appears to have been John Freeman. At the time of his arrest, John was about to begin his studies at Georgia Tech. He was able to attend the university and remained there for a number of years, ultimately earning an engineering PhD. Regional newspapers regularly reported on his academic and professional accomplishments and made no mention of his 1956 arrest.

Yearbook photo for Lewis Branham
University High School 1956 Bantam yearbook

Yearbook photo for John Freeman
University High School 1956 Bantam yearbook

Yearbook photo for Jerry Finley
University High School 1956 Bantam yearbook

Yearbook photo for Robert Sharpe
University High School 1956 Bantam yearbook

Yearbook photo of Heyward  Holton
University High School 1956 Bantam yearbook